The aim of the article was to present factors influencing voting behaviours of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship citizens during European Parliament elections in 2014, in the light of the conducted empirical research. The indicators that guided voters when casting votes to ballot boxes were analysed on the basis of a set of variables, such as: the attractiveness of election programmes and political parties, competences of candidates, the role of the Catholic Church during the election campaign, or the awareness of voters (self-reliance in making electoral decisions or its lack). The analysis and interpretations from the conducted research were preceded by a voting description of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship, treated, on a electoral map of Poland, as a specific region due to its above average support given to candidates and parties of right-wing provenance. In the final part conclusions drawn from the analytical process were presented. (original abstract)
W pracy omówiono różnice i podobieństwa w myśli politycznej badanych formacji. Poruszono miedzy innymi stosunek do wolności, praw kobiet, mniejszości, Kościoła, gospodarki i polityki społecznej. Analizie poddano struktury, członkostwo, role organów kolegialnych i liderów w partiach. Przedstawiono strategie budowy partyjnych porozumień lewicowych i centrolewicowych w okresie sukcesów i porażek wyborczych. Wskazano na wspólne cechy partii polskiej lewicy. Przedmiotem badań stały się partie socjaldemokratyczne, a także partia komunistyczna i zielonych. (fragm. tekstu)
EN
The book describes Polish political parties, which defined themselves as "left-wing parties" at the end of 20th and beginning of 21st century. They played a significant role for over twenty years of Polish Third Republic (III RP). Governments with the participation of representatives of left-wing parties ruled for the total of eight years and for ten years Poland had a left-wing president. Left-wing parties started the new millennium with a series of great successes followed by subsequent loss of support and influence. Poland became one of few European countries where the main political rivalry focused on a confrontation of two right-wing parties instead of a rivalry between left-wing and right-wing parties. One of the objectives of the paper is to explain reasons for this situation based on analysis of evolution of programs and organizations of political parties and their political strategies. The paper focuses on the period between 1999 and 2011. Left-wing parties in Poland varied greatly. The research focused on social-democratic, as well as communist and green parties. The following organizations were selected from the research: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (Democratic Left Alliance), Socjaldemokracja Polska (Social-democracy of Poland), Unia Pracy (Labor Union), Polska Partia Pracy (Polish Labor Party), Polska Lewica (Polish Left), Racja Polskiej Lewicy (Polish Left Argument), Unia Lewicy (Left Alliance), Polska Partia Socjalistyczna (Polish Socialist Party), Demokratyczna Partia Lewicy (Democratic Party of the Left), Komunistyczna Partia Polski (Polish Communist Party) and Zieloni 2004 (Green 2004 Party). These parties vary greatly in terms of membership and electoral support, but share left-wing attitudes expressed in their programs. The paper is divided into three sections. The first section describes political thought behind the parties. It also discusses justification for the current division between left and right-wing politics. Similarity and differences in approach to worldview and characteristic elements of left-wing party programs are discussed. The first section also presents vision of democracy and the state, social, economic and foreign policy as well as security issues presented by left-wing parties. The second chapter focuses on internal organization of parties. Issues related to obtaining and lose of membership as well as rights and obligations of members were analyzed. The chapter also presents governing bodies of the discussed parties which operate on various organizational levels and the role of control institutions such as review commissions or internal tribunals. The third chapter presents political strategies of the discussed parties. The analyzed period was divided into three main stages. The first one starts with establishment of SLD (Democratic Left Alliance) and its successes at the turn of the millennia until its election defeats in 2004 and 2005. The second one is a period when left-wing parties attempted to construct an alliance with parties occupying central position on the political spectrum. The third period focuses on attempted reconstruction of left-wing movement taking into account its conceptual individuality. The chapter is concluded in an attempted indication of reasons for the current crisis faced by Polish left-wing parties. The objective of the paper is to present a comprehensive analysis of issues related to operation of left-wing parties in Poland. It describes a wide range of parties and is not limited to parties which obtained a parliamentary representation. (original abstract)
Celem pracy była analiza stanowisk głównych polskich partii politycznych w odniesieniu do europejskiej polityki klimatycznej oraz ocena, czy i w jakim stopniu w Polsce zachodzi proces europeizacji polityki klimatycznej. Pozwoli to na wypełnienie luki w wiedzy dotyczącej podejścia polityków z krajów Europy Środkowej do realizacji celów polityki klimatycznej. Decyzje polityczne w tym obszarze mają istotne konsekwencje gospodarcze, zarówno na poziomie makroekonomicznym, jak i na poziomie poszczególnych aktorów gospodarczych. W związku z tym przeanalizowano 26 manifestów parlamentarnych partii z lat 2005-2019. Ta faza dostarczyła danych empirycznych do przeprowadzenia analizy sieci społecznościowych w celu opracowania mapy powiązań między grupami politycznymi. (abstrakt oryginalny)
EN
The goal of the work was to analyse the positions of the selected Polish political parties about the European Union climate policy and to assess whether and to what extent the process of Europeanization is taking place in Poland. Climate change negatively influences economic growth: it affects food security and limits industrial output and economic development. It reduces labour productivity and influences international trade. The scope of this impact will depend on political decisions and the effectiveness of climate protection measures taken by individual governments. The negative attitude of political parties to climate policy may make it challenging to undertake the necessary adaptation and mitigation measures, even despite changes in social perception in this regard. (original abstract)
Taking part in an election, political parties implement their planned strategic activities, which involve making choices regarding competitive goals and maximizing the usefulness of the resources they have. A significant context of party strategies is political uncertainty. The paper discusses the importance of political uncertainty in three areas. First, political uncertainty is an instrument affecting the character of political competition. In the second area, the article presents its role as a factor of competition in the process of campaigning for votes. It also points out that political uncertainty may be a mechanism of institutionalizing new political parties. Some of the implemented party strategies, influencing the level of political uncertainty, assume possible electoral manipulations. (original abstract)
Pre-election TV debates are not merely a means of providing information. Their primary objective is the implementation of carefully formulated marketing strategy. The process of making politics personalized and entertaining undoubtedly contributes to the surge in their popularity. They become not only a means of conveying the information included in election manifestos or outlining the profiles of candidates. They create a kind of show, based on specific rules and a top-down program, designed to reach out to voters effectively. Public opinion polls clearly show that the evaluation of the effectiveness of such programs is strongly correlated with the declared policy preferences. This article presents an image of pre-election debates with the use of the 2011 parliamentary campaign. The main aim of the discussion is to answer the question of whether pre-election television debates are an effective way of reaching out to voters. The second aspect of the analysis is the context of "the debate over the debate", which gives a specific character to the events described. (original abstract)
This part of the report discusses three questions, included in the questionnaire about electoral behavior during presidential and local elections in 2010. First question asks about the time, when the voter made his decision for which candidate he would vote for in the First round in the Presidential election. Second question is about the factors, that decide in choosing particular electoral committee in Local elections and third - about the problem of how big and stable is negative electorate of Polish political parties. As can be seen from presented data, majority of voters was sure of their political preferences long before the beginning of Presidential campaign and those, who made their decision during it, in most cases, in it's first phase. The mobility of Polish electorate is reduced, also because of the largeness and mutual penetration of negative electorate and effectiveness of political agitation is also limited. Because of that voters political preferences are relatively stable, despite the Smoleńsk Crash and increasingly intense competition of party elites. (original abstract)
JavaScript jest wyłączony w Twojej przeglądarce internetowej. Włącz go, a następnie odśwież stronę, aby móc w pełni z niej korzystać.