Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Unia Europejska w programach głównych polskich ugrupowań politycznych po 2004 roku

100%

Master B.

|

2014

|

tom 12

42-77

EN

Polish accession to the European Union was one of the strategic objectives of polish foreign policy after 1989. It succeeded in doing in 2004. The Polish membership in the European Union is supported a very large extent both by society and the majority of Polish political parties. However, the major political parties vary in their preferred vision of the integration processes in the European Union. This article aims to explain and compare these positions by examining the documents and political programs that were created after 2004, because they are an important part of European policy in Poland(original abstract)

2

The Spanish Party System and the Issue of Assigning Responsibility

75%

Sroka A.

|

nr nr 11

162-173

EN

The article addresses the dependency between the level of institutionalization present in the Spanish party system, electoral accountability and assigning responsibility. The primary research objective of this article is to determine the extent to which electoral volatility is present in Spain, both at the aggregate and individual level, which is a measure of the degree of institutionalization reached by a party system. Next, the dependency between electoral volatility and fluidity of elites at the electoral and parliamentary level is analysed. This allows for an answer to the question of whether there is a problem in Spain with assigning responsibility, having regard to the fact that the presence of extensive electoral volatility among both voters and political elites makes it difficult to speak of effective accountability. (original abstract)

3

Problem bezpieczeństwa państwowego i międzynarodowego w programach polskich partii politycznych

75%

Indraszczyk A.

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nr nr 5

31-48

XX

Problemami badawczymi postawionymi na wstępie były następujące pytania: Jakie zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa państwa postrzegają partie? Jakie proponują rozwiązania bezpieczeństwa państwa? Czy partie widzą potrzebę bezpieczeństwa zbiorowego i jak ono ma wyglądać? Analizie badawczej zostały poddane wyłącznie dokumenty programowe partii. Jako że celem jest przedstawienie aktualnych spojrzeń polskich partii politycznych na badaną problematykę, zrezygnowano z dokonania analizy zmian w podejściu partii do problemu na od 1990 r., a skoncentrowano się wyłącznie na analizie aktualnych programów. Wyniki badań zostaną przedstawione w następującej kolejności: analiza poszczególnych partii politycznych, następnie podsumowanie. Kolejność analizowanych partii została przyjęta według porządku alfabetycznego.(fragment tekstu)

EN

Polish political parties in their programs notice a broad spectrum issues of the state security. They are resulting in not an outside as well as internal safety. In it last matches distinguish the energy, health, social safety, the safety of citizens maliny. Safeties of the outside state and international are seeking different elements in the wide configuration. hey are most important: strategic presence of the USA in Europe, NATO, the need of creating European structures of the safety and defenses, bilateral affairs with neighbours of the state, the cooperation in regions, e.g. the Wysehrad Group, the Weimar Triangle. However parties in programs aren't presenting detailed answers and only state securities propose the overview of the model. One should also notice, that Polish parties than possibilities don't notice the participation in the wide structure safeties of Russia as well as different states from Eastern Europe without their connections from the NATO.(original abstract)

4

Coordinates of Interests of Media, Political Subjects and Recipients

75%

Pravdová H.

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nr nr 4

169-178

EN

The study primarily deals with the influence of media on perception of political subject agendas by the media audience. It will concentrate on the strategy of political subjects whose utmost objective is to provoke the specific effect - to draw attention of media and recipients and to force them to pay attention to their agendas. It underlines the practices of political subjects in gaining influence on media as well as on the public by offering their own agendas. It also deals with the role and procedures of media in interpreting political scandals and creating atmosphere in the framework of receiving the events by the target audience. (original abstract)

5

Political Parties and Their Role in Determining a Territorial Division of Poland

63%

Słobodzian B.

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nr nr 11

35-49

EN

A territorial division of a country constitutes the basis of a current organization of the communal life; hence its stability is a fundamental condition of an effective administration in a local, regional as well as statewide scale. Therefore, political parties that are involved in drafting the law as well as are entitled to accept or reject acts shall perform for the benefit of general public, but for particular reasons. (original abstract)

6

Wyborcy polskich partii politycznych wobec problemu rozwarstwienia społecznego

63%

Tomczak Ł.

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nr nr 10

23-35

EN

Article refers to the ratio of the party and their constituents facing the problems of social stratification. The analysis underwent voters of elections to the European Parliament and election to the local governments 2014. There were considered five Polish parties: Platforma Obywatelska, Prawoi Sprawiedliwość, Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, Nowa Prawica of Janusz Korwin-Mikke. The respondents' preferences were also examined in the relation to the place on the political scene declared by them and defining accordingly as left wing, right wing and centre. It was questioned whether differences in income between rich and poor in Poland are too large and whether the state should seek to reduce income inequalities of citizens. For the voters of most of the parties income differences were too high. The voter majority also believed that the state was to reduce the differences. The majority of opponents of the state involvement was only in the group of voters of Nowa Prawica. The views of voters slightly differed in the context of left and right division. (original abstract)

7

Zaspakajanie oczekiwań determinantem decyzji wyborczych zwolenników partii politycznych

63%

Widera Z.

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nr nr 8

29-38

EN

Meeting the needs of the voters is the primary responsibility of politicians. Political activity organize social life through the interaction of political institutions, which are the foundation of the democratic process of electing representatives mandated by society and legitimized in the elections. Wellconceived mission of serving the public is the foundation of a well-functioning relationship politician-voter. It is a way to meet the expectations that allows voters to build everyday life and faith in the future. It is worth to know the extent in which politicians meet the expectations of their constituents. (original abstract)

8

Bezpieczeństwo energetyczne państwa w programach polskich partii politycznych

63%

Polniak Ł.

|

nr nr 2 (6) Social Science / Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny we Wrocławiu

89-104

XX

Głównym tematem artykułu jest analiza programów polskich partii politycznych w części dotyczącej bezpieczeństwa energetycznego. Artykuł analizuje polskie partie parlamentarne oraz pozaparlamentarne, przedstawiając podobieństwa i różnice pomiędzy koncepcjami poszczególnych partii w dziedzinie bezpieczeństwa energetycznego. W pierwszej części artykuł przedstawia pojecie bezpieczeństwa energetycznego we współczesnym świecie, a także znaczenie bezpieczeństwa energetycznego dla państwa polskiego w roku 2012. W drugiej części artykuł zawiera wnioski i konkluzje wynikające z porównania treści programowych analizowanych partii.(abstrakt oryginalny)

EN

The intent of this article is to provide a description and an analysis of the programmes of Polish political, both parliamentary and non-parliamentary, parties, in terms of energy security. This article compares and contrasts the parties' political positions with respect to the policy of Poland dealing with energy security. The first part of the article offers a definition of the term "energy security" in the context of the modern world and the significance of energy security for Poland in 2012. The second part of the article presents a number of conclusions that were drawn after comparing the programmes of Polish parties.(original abstract)

9

Lewicowe partie polityczne w Polsce : programy, organizacja, strategie

63%

Tomczak Ł.

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nr nr 819

458

XX

W pracy omówiono różnice i podobieństwa w myśli politycznej badanych formacji. Poruszono miedzy innymi stosunek do wolności, praw kobiet, mniejszości, Kościoła, gospodarki i polityki społecznej. Analizie poddano struktury, członkostwo, role organów kolegialnych i liderów w partiach. Przedstawiono strategie budowy partyjnych porozumień lewicowych i centrolewicowych w okresie sukcesów i porażek wyborczych. Wskazano na wspólne cechy partii polskiej lewicy. Przedmiotem badań stały się partie socjaldemokratyczne, a także partia komunistyczna i zielonych. (fragm. tekstu)

EN

The book describes Polish political parties, which defined themselves as "left-wing parties" at the end of 20th and beginning of 21st century. They played a significant role for over twenty years of Polish Third Republic (III RP). Governments with the participation of representatives of left-wing parties ruled for the total of eight years and for ten years Poland had a left-wing president. Left-wing parties started the new millennium with a series of great successes followed by subsequent loss of support and influence. Poland became one of few European countries where the main political rivalry focused on a confrontation of two right-wing parties instead of a rivalry between left-wing and right-wing parties. One of the objectives of the paper is to explain reasons for this situation based on analysis of evolution of programs and organizations of political parties and their political strategies. The paper focuses on the period between 1999 and 2011. Left-wing parties in Poland varied greatly. The research focused on social-democratic, as well as communist and green parties. The following organizations were selected from the research: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (Democratic Left Alliance), Socjaldemokracja Polska (Social-democracy of Poland), Unia Pracy (Labor Union), Polska Partia Pracy (Polish Labor Party), Polska Lewica (Polish Left), Racja Polskiej Lewicy (Polish Left Argument), Unia Lewicy (Left Alliance), Polska Partia Socjalistyczna (Polish Socialist Party), Demokratyczna Partia Lewicy (Democratic Party of the Left), Komunistyczna Partia Polski (Polish Communist Party) and Zieloni 2004 (Green 2004 Party). These parties vary greatly in terms of membership and electoral support, but share left-wing attitudes expressed in their programs. The paper is divided into three sections. The first section describes political thought behind the parties. It also discusses justification for the current division between left and right-wing politics. Similarity and differences in approach to worldview and characteristic elements of left-wing party programs are discussed. The first section also presents vision of democracy and the state, social, economic and foreign policy as well as security issues presented by left-wing parties. The second chapter focuses on internal organization of parties. Issues related to obtaining and lose of membership as well as rights and obligations of members were analyzed. The chapter also presents governing bodies of the discussed parties which operate on various organizational levels and the role of control institutions such as review commissions or internal tribunals. The third chapter presents political strategies of the discussed parties. The analyzed period was divided into three main stages. The first one starts with establishment of SLD (Democratic Left Alliance) and its successes at the turn of the millennia until its election defeats in 2004 and 2005. The second one is a period when left-wing parties attempted to construct an alliance with parties occupying central position on the political spectrum. The third period focuses on attempted reconstruction of left-wing movement taking into account its conceptual individuality. The chapter is concluded in an attempted indication of reasons for the current crisis faced by Polish left-wing parties. The objective of the paper is to present a comprehensive analysis of issues related to operation of left-wing parties in Poland. It describes a wide range of parties and is not limited to parties which obtained a parliamentary representation. (original abstract)

10

Wartości podstawowe a preferencje ideologiczne i decyzje wyborcze w wyborach do Sejmu 2011

63%

Pilch I.

|

nr nr 3

127-144

EN

Recently, researchers have shown an increased interest in examining the impact of individual characteristics of voters (personality traits, attitudes and personal values) on a political choice. The aim of this paper is to examine the relationships between voters› basic values, their political orientation and voting behavior in Polish national election in 2011. Personal values were treated as a cognitive representations of desirable, abstract goals. According to Schwartz's theory, there are 10 basic, universal values (power, achievement, hedonism, stimulation, selfdirection, universalism, benevolence, tradition, conformity, and security), organized into four higher-level types (conservation, openness to change, self-transcendence and self-enhancement). To assess the participants› basic values, the Schwartz's Portrait Value Questionnaire was used. Comparisons between the groups of voters were made using the ANOVA method and the Tukey's post-hoc tests. The results of the study indicate that right-wing voters scored higher in tradition, conformity and benevolence and lower in self-direction, achievement, stimulation and hedonism than left-wing and centre voters. Voters' political party preferences were associated with distinct value profiles. According to the results of the research, voters' personal values can be important for understanding and predicting voting behavior. (original abstract)

11

Sukces Ruchu Palikota w świetle czynników możliwego sukcesu politycznego (Political Opportunity Structure)

63%

Wojtasik W.

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nr nr 3

159-174

EN

The aim of the presented text is an attempt to verify the most popular in the political science literature hypotheses about the emergence of new political movements, potential sources of their electoral success and the prospects for a permanent presence on the political scene. The primary reference is a theoretical model of the Political Opportunity Structure, which is a complex description concept for the success sources of the new political movements. The context for the presented text are the parliamentary elections in 2011 and the success of a new political party - "Ruch Palikota". (original abstract)

12

Niepogoda dla secesjonistów. Przykład Jarosława Gowina

63%

Olszanecka-Marmola A.

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nr nr 8

39-49

EN

The intra-party conflicts tend to be more common on Polish political scene in last few years. This kind of political competition was not avoided by the ruling party - Civic Platform. The conflict between Prime Minister Donald Tusk and former Minister of Justice JarosławGowin has escalated during the internal election in Civic Platform. Despite the Gowin's failure in party chairman election, he reached a substantial support among party members and electorate. After that, Gowin decided to leave Civic Platform and established his own political formation - Poland Together (Polska Razem). Presented article is aimed at examining the perception of party leadership of Donald Tusk and the political potential of JarosławGowin. According to the research and this year's European Parliament election the author tried to answer the question whether Gowin's party can achieve the relevant position in Polish party system. (original abstract)

13

Ciągłość czy zmiana? - o szansach nowych partii w Polsce

63%

Marmola M.

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nr nr 8

75-84

EN

The emergence of new party should be an answer for voters' demand on new political initiatives. Since the beginning of the 21th century we have been faced with lack of representativeness of political parties. In addition, there is weak party identification among Polish electorate. The empirical research presented in this article proves that the portion of electorate expecting an emergence of new party is increased. However, the Polish voters don't believe that potential new parties can reach the relevant position in party system. The results of Palikot Movement (currently: Your Move) in parliamentary election 2011 and the Congress of the New Right in this year's European Parliament election shows that appropriate political program can bring about a success of new political formation. (original abstract)

14

Preferowane wartości podstawowe a zachowania wyborcze w elekcji parlamentarnej 2015 roku

63%

Turska-Kawa A.

|

nr nr 12

105-119

EN

The presented research is part of the pursuit of psychological determinants and factors differentiating between voting behaviors and ideological preferences of Polish voters. Many empirical studies prove the existence of significant relations between the values preferred by a person and the person's behaviors, which also has its robust evidence in the area of studies on electoral behaviors. The aim of the article is to analyze the system of higher-order values (conceptualized by Shalom Schwartz) of the 2015 parliamentary election electorates and individuals with different ideological self-identifications. The obtained results point to several interesting issues, e.g. they show the weakest preference for strength ening oneself, common for all the electorates, and the most contrasting system of values represented by the voters of the Kukiz`15 group.(original abstract)

15

Środowisko - tak, Zieloni - nie. Problematyka ochrony środowiska naturalnego w badaniach empirycznych

63%

Czaja M. , Gutowski S.

|

nr nr 8

99-116

EN

This article presents the perception of environmental issue by Polish society - attaching importance to these issues and the assessment of political activities in solving environmental problems. The first part of the article describes environmentalism and the green parties which gained relevant position in Western European party system in the 70s of the twentieth century. Then the activities of the Greens in Poland and other Central European countries are described that took place after the collapse of the communist system in 1989. The article also illustrates the results of research on social perception of the environmental issues. The vast majority of Poles consider these issues important and claim that politicians should increase their activities in this area. Nevertheless, this doesn't affect the position of the Greens in the Polish party system. This is due to the history after World War II when Central Europe was in the Soviet sphere of influence and the weakness of the green parties that have never been able to present their offer efficiently to public opinion. (original abstract)

16

Obywatelskie kompetencje polityczne a wybrane motywy podejmowania decyzji wyborczych

51%

Alberski R. , Plecka D.

|

nr nr 10

71-86

EN

Civil political competency, but especially public trust are the basis of development of the civil society. Level of civil political competency also influence the electoral behaviour. In a research made in the end of 2014 we asked about Polish people civil political competency and about chosen reasons when taking electoral decisions. The group who declares an absence in the election or not taking big care about their electoral decisions and also have lack of skills to determine on which place on the left-right line they are, give evidence of a very low level of civil political competencies. Less important for them are programs and future plans presented by the politicians and political parties and also how they realize them (or not). When taking an electoral decision on the local level, this group take a lesser degree of care then other voters about the local elections candidates (for mayors, council member etc.) memberships to the political parties. (original abstract)

17

Subcarpathian Voivodship on the Electoral Map of Poland (1989-2014)

51%

Szczepański D.

|

nr nr 11

173-186

EN

The aim of the article was to present electoral activities diversification as well as political preferences of the citizens of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship in years 1989-2014. The measure of the conducted analyses were the results of parliamentary and European Parliament elections, by means of which it was possible to indicate recurring cyclicality of right-wing political sympathies of the citizens of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship, as well as noticable, with regards to the whole country, election turnout. The primary part of the conducted analysis was an attempt to answer the question of what determined the change of political preferences and if contemporary electoral activity and political sympathies reflect historical and cultural determinants. (original abstract)

18

Wpływ wyznawanych idei i identyfikacji politycznych na decyzje wyborcze w wyborach samorządowych

51%

Widera Z.

|

nr nr 3

227-236

EN

Knowledge of the behavior of the electorate has both its social context, as well as economic. It identifies the social interaction on the behavior of politicians and the effects of their management, moreover reveals the motivations and determines of political sensitivity, the degree of social disapproval and indifference. Rationalize the cost of election campaigns, influences the electoral strategies and the consequent publicity and promotion mechanisms. It also affects the way services are involved in the electoral processes of individuals and businesses. It has a number of theoretical ways of using its wide but especially a practical context. The municipal elections which are the subject of growing interest are identified in the broader electoral context, the connection with other acts of election: elections to the parliament, the European Union and in the end of the presidential elections. The media of social life more and more influence on the behavior of voters, receiving daily spectacle of self-presentation, permanent verbalization of ideas and references to public opinion polls. Voter is willed or not to participate. This causes the increasing consistency of its behavior in the different types of elections. (original abstract)

19

Problem legalizacji związków partnerskich osób tej samej płci w kampanii wyborczej 2011 roku

51%

Tomczak Ł.

|

nr nr 3

237-249

EN

The article presents differences between the electorate and political parties programs in a political right point of view according to the principle of same-sex couples to certificate their relations. Parties of the left such as the Democratic Left Alliance (Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej) and Palikot`s Movement (Ruch Palikota) tried to support the idea of the same-sex couple partnerships however they didn't try to make them equal with the ordinary marriages. The voters of those parties where more often ready to accept the same-sex couple partnerships, nevertheless the right side pulls in the opposite electorate. Most of the Civic Platform (Platforma Obywatelska RP) voters didn't support the same-sex couples partnership idea, that kind of attitude dominate the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) electorate too. Nowadays the aversion to the same-sex couples rights can be clearly seen among the whole society. During the 2011 campaign also clearly become the increase of support for the same-sex couples partnership over the previous year especially in political left wing of electorate. Social ratio to the main aspects of the article divines polish political parties as much as the most of the voters, creating a big line between the left and the right side of polish politics. (original abstract)

20

Społeczny odbiór debat przedwyborczych kampanii parlamentarnej 2011

51%

Jaruga K. , Krawczyk-Antońska Ż.

|

nr nr 3

109-126

EN

Pre-election TV debates are not merely a means of providing information. Their primary objective is the implementation of carefully formulated marketing strategy. The process of making politics personalized and entertaining undoubtedly contributes to the surge in their popularity. They become not only a means of conveying the information included in election manifestos or outlining the profiles of candidates. They create a kind of show, based on specific rules and a top-down program, designed to reach out to voters effectively. Public opinion polls clearly show that the evaluation of the effectiveness of such programs is strongly correlated with the declared policy preferences. This article presents an image of pre-election debates with the use of the 2011 parliamentary campaign. The main aim of the discussion is to answer the question of whether pre-election television debates are an effective way of reaching out to voters. The second aspect of the analysis is the context of "the debate over the debate", which gives a specific character to the events described. (original abstract)