Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Opinia prawna na temat dopuszczalności uchwalenia dezyderatu wzywającego Prezesa Rady Ministrów do zbadania decyzji Przewodniczącego KRRiT o nieprzyznaniu miejsca Fundacji Lux Veritatis na multipleksie cyfrowym

100%

Gierach E.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2012

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nr 2(34)

61-66

EN

An Assessment of compliance, of the parliamentary committee’s desideratum, with the criteria set out in Article 159 Paragraph 1 of the Standing Orders of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland, should investigate whether the matters indicated in the resolution of this kind belong to the scopeof activities of the committee and the specific addressee of its occurrence. Taking into account the provisions of the National Council of Radio and Television the adoption of the attached desideratum is inadmissible due to the lack of inclusion of the National Council of Radio and Television under the scope of activities of the Prime Minister.

2

Entrepreneurs and Entrepreneurship in the Exposé of the Prime Ministers: From Tadeusz Mazowiecki to Mateusz Morawiecki

100%

Kamosiński S.

Studia Historiae Oeconomicae

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2020

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tom 38

130-162

EN

The Prime Minister’s program speech, called the exposé, attracts particular attention. Its essence comes down to presenting the government’s program. In a few key words, the Prime Minister often summarizes the framework proposals of his government in terms of economic policy, social policy, education, health care, the army as well as individual social and professional groups. The words spoken by the Prime Minister, asking for confidence in the government that has just been formed set the direction for the entire Council of Ministers for subsequent years. In this regard, there is a need to examine the economic policy of every Prime Minister in office since 1989 considering entrepreneurs. What offer did the heads of government make to entrepreneurs, what kind of support could this group count on, how were the institutions supporting the economy and political institutions evaluated? The aim of this article is to find answers to the presented problems.

3

The Institution of the Prime Minister in the Republic of Serbia: Its Systemic Evolution and Constitutional Practice

100%

Wojnicki J.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2024

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tom 28

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nr 3

215-231

EN

The article examines the evolution of the political position of the head of government institution in the Serbian state. The analysis covers the different models of government that have developed in Serbia over the last 180 years. During the monarchical period, the prime minister’s position was a function of his relationship with the king and the political alignment in parliament. In turn, during the period of popular democracy and socialism, the prime minister’s position depended on the political alignment at the top of the communist elite. It is also an interesting exercise to analyse the evolution of the post-1990 position of the head of government, especially in the context of the new constitutional order and the rather turbulent changes on Serbia’s political scene.

4

Objęcie urzędu przez Prezesa Rady Ministrów wybranego przez Sejm w trybie art. 154 ust. 3 Konstytucji RP

88%

Patyra S.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2024

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nr 1(81)

156-162

EN

An important element of the parliamentary-cabinet system is the appointment of the Council of Ministers whose members and political program reflects the majority in parliament. The opinion presents the consequences of the President’s appointment of the Prime Minister and its government, which falls due to the failure of the Sejm to pass a vote of confidence. It analyzes the possibility (or not) of the President’s disagreement to take the oath of office from members of the Council of Ministers electedby the Sejm in accordance with Article 154 para. 3 of the Constitution. The author’s considerations lead to the conclusion that the President of the Republic – guided by his constitutional duty to guarantee the continuity of state power and to uphold state security – should perform the act of swearing in the new government elected by the Sejm immediately after the Marshal of the Sejm passes the resolution on the election of the new Council of Ministers.

5

Prawne i polityczne uwarunkowania dymisji rządów we francuskiej praktyce ustrojowej okresu V Republiki

88%

Jakubiak Ł.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2019

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nr 3(152)

41–60

EN

The paper deals with legal and political factors affecting government dismissals during the Fifth Republic of France. The author draws attention to the role played by some characteristic properties of the French system of government, in which the government’s responsibility to the parliament (regulated in the constitution of 1958) is in practice supplemented with responsibility before the head of state (the latter type of political responsibility has not been anchored in the constitution itself). The analysis includes forty cabinets functioning in France from the late 1950s to the 2017 parliamentary elections. The successions of cabinets quite often took place for procedural reasons (not only after elections to the National Assembly, but also customarily after presidential ones). Decisions of this kind were also made by presidents themselves who — as actual leaders within the whole executive branch (outside periods of cohabitation) — were guided by their own political needs. As practice has shown, according to the logic of rationalised parliamentarism, the role of the parliamentary opposition was not significant in this respect. The same can be said about dismissals submitted by prime ministers who did not follow the previously expressed expectations of the head of state. It all leads to the conclusion that the durability of successively created governments was not very high, however this phenomenon resulted from completely different reasons than in the case of unstable cabinets functioning in non-rationalised parliamentary regimes (under the Third and Fourth Republics).

6

The President’s Influence on the Formation of Governments: the Case of the Republic of Italy

88%

Kamińska A. G.

Teka Komisji Prawniczej

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2023

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tom 16

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nr 2

125-136

EN

The purpose of this study is to elucidate the legal, primarily constitutional, constraints that govern the formation of the government of the Italian Republic and the involvement and significance of the President of the Republic in this process. The study is conceived as a synthesis of legal and socio-political perspectives, aimed at examining this pivotal yet complex process for the state. Considering the constitutional foundations that underlie the government formation procedure, the study first examines the legal limitations on the actions and duties of the President in that process. The interaction between the exercise of the head of state’s powers and their limitations, both by legal regulations and established constitutional precedents, is subjected to scrutiny. The role of the President, viewed through the lens of the boundaries of the authority of the office, is characterized, in conclusion, by the delicate balance between discretion and the legal and political-constitutional constraints on the President’s actions. While the study mainly concerns the circumstances surrounding the establishment and ultimate selection of the Meloni cabinet, it can be viewed as a notable addition to the overall analysis of the President’s influence on the formation of the government in politically fractured and divided Italy.

7

Nadzór Prezesa Rady Ministrów nad postępowaniami administracyjnymi prowadzonymi przez Prezesa Urzędu Regulacji Energetyki

75%

Domagała M.

Forum Prawnicze

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2018

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nr 5 (49)

50–61

EN

The theme of the article is to analyze the supervision of the Prime Minister over the activities of the President of the Energy Regulatory Office. The aim of the article is to indicate the scope of the supervisory powers of the Prime Minister of the attitude to administrative proceedings conducted by the President of the Energy Regulatory Office, consisting, for example, in requesting access to the administrative case file. The author puts forward a thesis that the Prime Minister is not authorized to verify the manner of keeping matters reserved in accordance with EU and national law within the competence of the President of the ERO, in particular matters dealt with by administrative decisions related to the exercise of the regulatory function. As part of the study, the author discusses such issues as: control and supervision in public administration, the system position of the President of ERO, the scope of Prime Minister supervisory powers and Prime Minister supervisory powers in the context of procedural regulations. The article ends with the presentation of research results.

8

Objęcie urzędu przez Prezesa Rady Ministrów wybranego przez Sejm w trybie art. 154 ust. 3 Konstytucji RP

75%

Juchniewicz J.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2024

|

nr 1(81)

163-173

EN

The opinion presents the problem of the election of the Prime Minister in the modes provided by the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The differences between the parliamentary-cabinet system adopted in Poland and the presidential system, shown at the outset, are intended to give an idea of the powers of the President and the Sejm in the aforementioned systems of government. The procedure for the creation of a new Council of Ministers is analyzed in detail, with the author drawing attention to the so-called reserve procedure provided for in Article 154 para. 3 of the Constitution. This regulation orders the President to appoint the Prime Minister elected by the Sejm and, upon his request, the other members of the government, and to take the oath of office from them, whereas, according to the author, the President’s refusal in this regard would constitute a violation of the Constitution meeting the conditions of a constitutional tort.

9

Objęcie urzędu przez Prezesa Rady Ministrów wybranego przez Sejm w trybie art. 154 ust. 3 Konstytucji RP

75%

Bernaczyk M.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

|

2024

|

nr 1(81)

148-155

EN

This opinion aims to answer the question regarding the beginning of the operation of the newly elected “parliamentary” Council of Ministers under Article 154 para. 3 of the Polish Constitution. The scope of competences of the President of the Republic in the process of appointing the Council of Ministers under the emergency procedure is analyzed in detail. The author’s position is that the President is obliged to immediately take the oath of office from the newly elected Prime Minister and Ministers and issue a decision on the appointment of the Council of Ministers consistent with the contents of the Sejm’s resolution on the election of the Prime Minister and of the Council of Ministers.

10

Skutki prawne wyboru Prezesa Rady Ministrów przez Sejm w trybie art. 154 ust. 3 Konstytucji

75%

Grabowski R.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2024

|

nr 1(81)

139-147

EN

The opinion refers to the procedure of the appointment of the Council of Ministers under the basic procedure and the so-called reserve procedures provided for in the Polish Constitution. The author cites the constitutional principle of legalism, and the directive of cooperation to show the assumptions of the parliamentary-cabinet system. The analysis considers the procedure for the election of the Prime Minister in view of the prerogatives of the President and the powers of the Sejm depending on the mode of appointment of the new Council of Ministers. The opinion indicates that the President’s designation of the Prime Minister in the primary procedure is not arbitrary, and the selection must respect the Sejm’s majority. On the other hand, in the case of the selection of the Prime Minister by the Sejm under the reserve procedure, it does not imply automatic assumption of office, since it is necessary for the President to first issue a nomination order and take the oath of office from the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers.

11

Skutki prawne wyboru Prezesa Rady Ministrów przez Sejm w trybie art. 154 ust. 3 Konstytucji

75%

Zaleśny J.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

|

2024

|

nr 1(81)

129-138

EN

The subject of the analysis is an attempt to answer the question of whether the election of the Prime Minister by the Sejm under Article 154 para. 3 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland means that the President automatically assumes office, and whether, if this provision is applied, the President takes the oath of office only from members of the Council of Ministers or also from the Prime Minister. The author states that Deputies are the representatives of the Nation, while the President serves as the highest representative of the Republic of Poland, but does not represent the Nation, which determines the competence of these bodies. The relationships between the legislative and executive powers presented in the analysis illustrate the principles of the parliamentary-cabinet system in Poland and explain the significance of these powers in the different modes of appointment of the Prime Minister.

12

Kompetencje i zadania Prezesa Rady Ministrów i Rady Ministrów w ramach polityki bezpieczeństwa

63%

Sokołowski A.

Świat Idei i Polityki

|

2016

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nr 15

209-231

PL

W ramach artykułu autor dokonał analizy organów administracji publicznej właściwej w sprawach polityki bezpieczeństwa, skupionej pod egidą Prezesa Rady Ministrów i samej Rady Ministrów. Dokonując przeglądu najważniejszych aktów prawnych oraz bazując na tekstach źródłowych, ujęte zostały główne kompetencje i zadania instytucji mających na celu ochronę życia i zdrowia obywateli Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej zarówno w okresie wojny, jak i pokoju. Wspierając się publikacjami ciągłymi, autor określił główne funkcje organów powołanych do wsparcia rządu i instytucji premiera w polityce bezpieczeństwa. Dokonując analizy oraz opierając się na deskrypcji, autor wyszczególnia zmiany w budowaniu i formułowaniu organów chroniących bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne skupionych pod parasolem działalności rządu jako władzy wykonawczej.

EN

In the article the author has analyzed the public administration competent for security policy, centered under the aegis of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers itself. By reviewing the most important legal acts, and based on texts were included the competences and tasks of the institutions established to protect the life and health of citizens of the Republic of Poland, during the time of warand peace. Leaning at scientific journals author described the main functions of institutions that support government and the prime minister in the security policy. By making analysis and based on the descriptions, author reveals changes in the process of creating of institutions protecting internal and external security together under the umbrella of government activity as executive power.

13

Opinia prawna w sprawie prawnego uregulowania statusu małżonków Prezydenta RP, Prezesa Rady Ministrów oraz ambasadora RP

63%

Gierach E.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

|

2017

|

nr 1(53)

80-83

EN

This opinion aims to present legal status of spouses of the President of the Republic of Poland, the Prime Minister and an ambassador. Legal situation of a spouse of the President of the Republic of Poland is not legally regulated. Although there is no formal prohibition of his/her professional activity, there is an accepted practice that the spouse performs only representative functions “by the President’s side”. This activity is not remunerated and, thus there is no deduction of pension contributions. Under separate regulations spouses are entitled to benefits and health care. A similar situation occurs in the case of a spouses of the Prime Minister, but in practice they do not perform representative functions, but continue their professional activity. A different situation takes place in case of a husband/wife of an ambassador, because their legal status is governed by the Act of 27th July 2001 on the Foreign Service.

14

The Prime Minister of the Council of Ministers as a Body Subject to Sejm Control (in the Light of Normative Regulations). Part I: Prime Minister as Subject to Sejm Control, a Chairman of the Collective Executive Decision-Making Body of the Polish Government

51%

Kuciński J.

Studia Iuridica Lublinensia

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2017

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tom 26

|

nr 2

EN

It is the purpose of both parts of the article to present the Prime Minister as a body subject to Sejm control. To achieve the above, an attempt has been made to characterise his legal and governmental status with the consideration given to the factors determining such status, especially those factors that are basic for the presentation of the Prime Minister and fit within the subjective and objective scope of the Sejm control over the government activity. Considerations in this respect are carried out based on the normative regulations, mainly on the Constitution of the Republic of Poland adopted on 2 April 1997.The article mainly includes the analysis of the legal and governmental status subject to Sejm control over the Prime Minister of the Council of Ministers as a chairman of the collective executive decision-making body of the Polish government, that is, the Council of Ministers. The focus has been placed on the role of the Prime Minister in shaping the make-up of the government, his power to discharge and reshuffle cabinet members and influence to consolidate the government. Subsequently, the position of the Prime Minister within the Council of Ministers was submitted to more profound analysis including the contemplation of such normative solutions crucial for this position as authority to represent the Council of Ministers, coordinate the work of the Council of Ministers ensure the implementation of policy adopted by the cabinet, define the manners of the implementation of policy of the Council of Ministers, and coordinate and control work of the cabinet members.

PL

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie Prezesa Rady Ministrów jako organu podlegającego kontroli sejmowej. Starano się tego dokonać przez scharakteryzowanie jego statusu prawnoustrojowego z uwzględnieniem zwłaszcza tych czynników określających ów status, które zdają się mieć najbardziej zasadnicze znaczenie dla zaprezentowania premiera „mieszczącego się” w zakresie podmiotowym i przedmiotowym sejmowej kontroli działalności rządu. Rozważania w tym zakresie prowadzone są na gruncie regulacji normatywnych, głównie Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z dnia 2 kwietnia 1997 r.W niniejszym artykule poddano analizie przede wszystkim status prawnoustrojowy podlegającego kontroli sejmowej Prezesa Rady Ministrów jako przewodniczącego kolegialnego organu egzekutywy, czyli Rady Ministrów. Skoncentrowano uwagę na roli Prezesa Rady Ministrów w kształtowaniu składu rządu oraz dokonywaniu zmian w tym składzie, a także jego wpływie na trwałość rządu. Następnie poddano głębszej analizie pozycję Prezesa Rady Ministrów w samej Radzie Ministrów, rozważając takie rozwiązania normatywne decydujące o tej pozycji, jak kompetencje do: reprezentowania przez niego Rady Ministrów, kierowania pracami Rady Ministrów, zapewnienia wykonywania polityki Rady Ministrów i określania sposobów jej wykonywania, koordynacji i kontroli pracy członków Rady Ministrów.

15

The Prime Minister of the Council of Ministers as a Body Subject to Sejm Control (in the Light of Normative Regulations). Part II: Prime Minister as a Body Subject to Sejm Control in Other Governmental Institutions

51%

Kuciński J.

Studia Iuridica Lublinensia

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2017

|

tom 26

|

nr 3

EN

In this article the attention is paid to other roles of the Prime Minister in governmental institutions as a body subject to Sejm control, to mention only his position within the governmental administration (vis-à-vis deputy prime ministers, ministers outside cabinet, “non-governmental” organizations of state administration); position of the Prime Minister as a sole supreme body of state administration; his relations with other central bodies of state administration (President, Sejm, Supreme Audit Office). The problem of accountability of the Prime Minister to Sejm has also been contemplated.Making an attempt in both parts of the article to evaluate the influence of various factors on legal and governmental status of the Prime Minister as a body subject to Sejm control, the following has been stated: a) The Prime Minister holds a very strong position and plays a leading role within the structures and functioning mechanisms of the Council of Ministers and in relations with “non-governmental” bodies of state administration, b) position of the Prime Minister in managing the Council of Ministers, a body ranking number one within the structures of executive power and wide authority of the Prime Minister including non-legal factors result in an important role played by the Prime Minister within the entire system of the authorities of the Republic of Poland. These factors also confirm how important is Sejm control of the Prime Minister’s activity for the proper implementation of the principle of separation and balance of powers.

PL

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie innych ról ustrojowych Prezesa Rady Ministrów jako organu podlegającego kontroli sejmowej, takich jak: jego pozycja w strukturach administracji rządowej (wobec wiceprezesów Rady Ministrów, ministrów poza rządem, „pozarządowych” organów rządowej administracji); pozycja Prezesa Rady Ministrów jako jednoosobowego naczelnego organu administracji rządowej; jego relacje z innymi naczelnymi organami państwowymi (Prezydentem, Sejmem, Najwyższą Izbą Kontroli). Rozważono też problem odpowiedzialności parlamentarnej Prezesa Rady Ministrów przed Sejmem.Podejmując próbę generalnej oceny (rozważanego w częściach I i II artykułu) wpływu różnych czynników na status prawnoustrojowy Prezesa Rady Ministrów jako organu podlegającego kontroli sejmowej, stwierdzono między innymi, że: a) Prezes Rady Ministrów zajmuje bardzo silną pozycję i odgrywa wiodącą rolę w strukturach i mechanizmach funkcjonowania Rady Ministrów oraz w stosunkach z „pozarządowymi” organami rządowej administracji, b) pozycja Prezesa Rady Ministrów w kierowanej przez niego Radzie Ministrów (organie usytuowanym na pierwszym miejscu w strukturze władzy wykonawczej) oraz rozległy zakres jego kompetencji powodują, wraz z czynnikami o charakterze pozaprawnym, że to właśnie on odgrywa ważną rolę w całym systemie rządów RP. Te czynniki również przekonują, jak istotne znaczenie dla prawidłowego urzeczywistniania zasady podziału władzy i równowagi władz ma kontrola sejmowa aktywności Prezesa Rady Ministrów.

16

Przewodniczący Rządu w Republice Czeskiej - ewolucja pozycji ustrojowej i praktyka konstytucyjna

51%

Wojnicki J.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

|

2020

|

nr 4 (56)

273-294

PL

Artykuł omawia kwestie ewolucji pozycji ustrojowej szefów rządów w Republice Czeskiej. Cezury czasowe mieszczą się pomiędzy 1992 r. a 2019 r. Instytucja premiera stała się realnym instrumentem władzy politycznej dla liderów ugrupowań politycznych w omawianym państwie. Parlamentarny model rządów obowiązujący w Republice Czeskiej zakłada ścisłą współpracę władzy ustawodawczej i wykonawczej. W analizie uwzględniono zarówno regulacje konstytucyjne, jak i praktykę polityczną ostatnich blisko 30 lat.

EN

The article discusses the evolution of the political position of heads of government in the Czech Republic. Time censures are between 1992 and 2019. The institution of the Prime Minister has become a real instrument of political power for the leaders of political groups in the country discussed. The parliamentary model of government in force in the Czech Republic assumes close cooperation between the legislative and executive authorities. The analysis includes both the constitutional regulations and political practice of the last nearly 30 years.

17

Stoiber przejal od Pfleiderera zaklad plyt wiorowych oficjalnie na ruchu

51%

W K.

Biuletyn Informacyjny Ośrodka Badawczo-Rozwojowego Przemysłu Płyt Drewnopochodnych w Czarnej Wodzie

|

1999

|

tom 40

|

nr 2

127-128

18

Dualizm władzy wykonawczej w III Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej - regulacje konstytucyjne i praktyka polityczna

51%

Dziemidok-Olszewska B.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

|

2022

|

nr 1 (65)

15-29

PL

Celem artykułu jest krytyczna analiza ustanowionego w Konstytucji RP zracjonalizowanego systemu parlamentarnego ze wzmocnioną pozycją obu organów dualistycznej egzekutywy. W opracowaniu wskazano regulacje podnoszące rolę ustrojową Prezydenta i rządu (premiera) oraz uwarunkowania i skutki polityczne funkcjonowania przyjętego systemu. Założeniem artykułu jest wykazanie dysfunkcjonalności konstytucyjnego modelu egzekutywy i praktyki jego realizowania.

EN

The aim of the article is a critical analysis of the rationalized parliamentary system established in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland with the strengthened position of both bodies of the dualistic executive. The study presents the regulations increasing the political role of the President and the government (prime minister) as well as the conditions and political effects of the adopted system. The premise of the article is to highlight the dysfunctionality of the constittional model of the executive and the practice of its implementation.

19

Konstytucyjne aspekty działalności służb specjalnych w Polsce (prolegomena)

51%

Dunaj K.

SECRETUM. Służby specjalne, bezpieczeństwo, informacja

|

2015

|

nr 2(3)

126 - 136

PL

Artykuł poświęcony jest wybranym aspektom działalności służb specjalnych w świetle przepisów Konstytucji RP. Celem opracowania jest odpowiedź na pytanie, na ile ustawowa regulacja działalności służb specjalnych w Polsce odpowiada standardom konstytucyjnym państwa demokratycznego. W pierwszej kolejności autorka zwraca uwagę na zagadnienia podległości służb specjalnych konstytucyjnym organom państwowym. Następnie charakteryzuje obszar działania służb specjalnych w kontekście prowadzenia polityki państwa, zwłaszcza zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego i zewnętrznego Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Ostatnia część artykułu poświęcona jest kompetencjom funkcjonariuszy służb specjalnych związanym z ingerencją w sferę konstytucyjnie chronionych praw i wolności jednostki. Autorka podkreśla w artykule potrzebę przestrzegania przez służby specjalne podstawowych wartości konstytucyjnych Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, zwracając szczególną uwagę na konieczność ich działania w zgodzie z obowiązującym prawem.

EN

The article is devoted to the selected aspects of secret services’ operations in the light of the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. Its aim is to answer the question about the extent to which the statutory regulation of secret services’ operations in Poland meets the constitutional standards of a democratic state. First, the author draws attention to the issue of the subordination of secret services to the constitutional state authorities. Then, the secret services area of operation is characterized in the context of pursuing the state policy, especially related to ensuring internal and external security of the Republic of Poland. The final part of the article is devoted to the competence of secret services’ officers connected with the interference in the constitutionally protected rights and freedoms of the individual. The author emphasizes the need to respect by secret services the fundamental constitutional values of the Republic of Poland, paying particular attention to their operation in accordance with applicable law.

20

The Evolution of the Systemic Position of the Prime Minister of Hungary - Legal Regulations and Constitutional Practice

51%

Wojnicki J.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

|

2020

|

nr 5 (57)

481-499

EN

The article discusses the issues of evolution of the political position of heads of government in Hungary. The time frame is between 1990 and 2020. A wide historical spectrum is included as well, showing the transformations of the supreme bodies of state power. After 1989, Hungary opted to establish a parliamentary cabinet system, with some strengthening of the government’s powers. The institution of the Prime Minister has become a real instrument of political power for the leaders of political factions in the countries discussed. The analysis takes into account both constitutional regulations and political practice over the past nearly 30 years. A particular strengthening of the political position of the Prime Minister can be seen after 2010.

PL

W artykule poruszono problematykę ewolucji pozycji politycznej szefów rządów na Węgrzech. Ramy czasowe obejmują lata 1990-2020. Uwzględniono również szerokie spektrum historyczne, ukazujące przemiany najwyższych organów władzy państwowej. Po 1989 r. Węgry zdecydowały się na ustanowienie parlamentarnego systemu gabinetów, z pewnym wzmocnieniem uprawnień rządu. Instytucja Prezesa Rady Ministrów stała się realnym instrumentem władzy politycznej przywódców frakcji politycznych w omawianych krajach. Analiza uwzględnia zarówno regulacje konstytucyjne, jak i praktykę polityczną ostatnich prawie 30 lat. Szczególne wzmocnienie pozycji politycznej Prezesa Rady Ministrów widać po 2010 r.