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EN
Sport plays an important role in modern societies, including those in Europe. However, individual countries differ in terms of their citizens’ participation in universally accessible sport. In some societies, the percentage of people who pursue different sports is high, while in other countries it is insignificant. What are the reasons behind such differences? What variables are crucial to accounting for these differences? How has Polish society changed in this regard? Theoretical and empirical analyses show that people in Poland are becoming increasingly active when it comes to sport. In terms of taking part in sport, Polish society is starting to catch up with other European societies. The decisive role in the process is played by: a) social factors (education and affluence), b) the ideals and values that dominate the local culture (physical appearance, kinetic pleasures, and positive emotions), and c) the efficiency and adequacy of the physical education system in schools (innovation, the use of cyberspace, and efforts aimed at addressing social needs). If these three areas of socialization - society, culture and physical education in schools - reach a high level of convergence and if fewer variables hinder the process than at present, people in Poland will become as physically active as other societies in the West.
EN
The author puts forward the thesis that fertility rate and demographic stability of Polish society may constitute an objective moral quality test of the transformation in Poland after the year 1989. Considering the role of any given young generation in securing continuity of national history and a nation's sense of community as well as that of the mainstay of their native national culture, he tries to demonstrate that the moral quality of the executed transformations manifests itself in the shape of social and demographic policies.
EN
The article deals with the issue of retirement in contemporary Polish society. The analysis is based on a qualitative research project conducted with people who had formally retired within the previous five years. The process of retiring is one of the most important turning points in the life course. The aim is to look more carefully at the experience of the initial years of retirement and the process of adjustment to a new social status. The article seeks to answer questions regarding how new pensioners comprehend and function in the current social and institutional settings, in particular how they perceive the process of changes and rebuild their relations with the younger generations.
EN
The monographic publication of four authors deals with the issue of 'polarization of consciousness': divisions of value systems within Polish society. These divisions are related to the change of the Polish political system in the second decade of the 21st century, consisting in 'replacing liberal mechanisms with centralist mechanisms in managing the state'. However, the premise of the divisions is not the mechanism of exercising power, but the competition of liberal and conservative worldviews. The authors hypothesize that 'the division into supporters and opponents of competing worldviews ... is conditioned by the belonging of individuals to specific social strata and classes'.
PL
The Author of the article assumes that the charisma of John Paul II – at least in the symbolic sphere – has impeded intensifying trends in Polish society toward moral permissivism and relativism in everyday life. In Polish society, the image of John Paul II remains not only as a moral authority and a model, but above all, he is seen as a person who throughout his whole life proved his worth as someone important to the core of Polish society. As an authority linked to the sacred sphere, he was, at the same time very human. Even among those who believe that in Polish society there are essentially no authorities left to look up to, one can find many people who are still inclined to recognize the Polish Pope as a significant moral authority. There is no doubt that John Paul II had a positive influence on the religiosity and general image of the Church in Poland, even though it is somehow difficult to measure that empirically. Experiences related to the Pope’s illness, and later, to his death had a significant impact on many Poles from throughout society. One can question whether Polish Catholicism with its folk and mass nature will retain its prevailing character, now when Pope John Paul II is gone. Even if the impact of John Paul II on Polish moral and religious awareness will be decreasing, it still will be important and significant for some period of time. The strong impact of this exemplary Polish Pope is also going to slow down the secularization process of Polish society. All sociological data indicate that the influence of John Paul II on religiosity in his homeland will last for years to come, and hence, Poland will probably remain as a “specific case” in Europe with regards to the role religion plays in society.
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EN
Sport plays an important role in modern societies, including those in Europe. However, individual countries differ in terms of their citizens’ participation in universally accessible sport. In some societies, the percentage of people who pursue different sports is high, while in other countries it is insignificant. What are the reasons behind such differences? What variables are crucial to accounting for these differences? How has Polish society changed in this regard? Theoretical and empirical analyses show that people in Poland are becoming increasingly active when it comes to sport. In terms of taking part in sport, Polish society is starting to catch up with other European societies. The decisive role in the process is played by: a) social factors (education and affluence), b) the ideals and values that dominate the local culture (physical appearance, kinetic pleasures, and positive emotions), and c) the efficiency and adequacy of the physical education system in schools (innovation, the use of cyberspace, and efforts aimed at addressing social needs). If these three areas of socialization - society, culture and physical education in schools - reach a high level of convergence and if fewer variables hinder the process than at present, people in Poland will become as physically active as other societies in the West.
EN
The paper tries to sum up the celebrations to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the Third Republic in 1989 and to present them in the context of the ‘remembrance policy’,meaning the endeavors various circles are engaged in to shape Polish society’s collective memory. The authors analyze the celebrations in terms of several selected aspects. The first one concerns the academic field: conferences, seminars and resulting publications. Another aspect refers to the official celebrations organized by state institutions. The third is about the response and debates taking place in newspapers at that time. The review of different ways of commemorating the anniversary results in the conclusion that they were all strongly politicized and used for the purposes of the current political struggle. This was particularly clear during the official celebrations, divided into those organized by the government and president respectively, yet even the events organized under academic auspices were not free from political manipulation. Therefore, the celebrations corroborated the fact that 1989 has not strongly registered in Poles’ awareness as a generational experience that positively organizes the collective memory; the celebrations did not stimulate a nationwide reflection on the achieve- ments of the era commenced with the events of 1989. They did not make a contribution to creating in the collective memory a ‘national consensus of pride’ at the regained statehood reminiscent of that of the Second Republic.
PL
The paper tries to sum up the celebrations to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the Third Republic in 1989 and to present them in the context of the ‘remembrance policy’,meaning the endeavors various circles are engaged in to shape Polish society’s collective memory. The authors analyze the celebrations in terms of several selected aspects. The first one concerns the academic field: conferences, seminars and resulting publications. Another aspect refers to the official celebrations organized by state institutions. The third is about the response and debates taking place in newspapers at that time. The review of different ways of commemorating the anniversary results in the conclusion that they were all strongly politicized and used for the purposes of the current political struggle. This was particularly clear during the official celebrations, divided into those organized by the government and president respectively, yet even the events organized under academic auspices were not free from political manipulation. Therefore, the celebrations corroborated the fact that 1989 has not strongly registered in Poles’ awareness as a generational experience that positively organizes the collective memory; the celebrations did not stimulate a nationwide reflection on the achievements of the era commenced with the events of 1989. They did not make a contribution to creating in the collective memory a ‘national consensus of pride’ at the regained statehood reminiscent of that of the Second Republic.
EN
The goal of this article is to review the possibilities and limitations of applying Aleida and Jan Assmann’s concept to the study of local memory, using as an example the memory of inhabitants of the Polish town of Olsztyn. The author first briefly presents selected key premises of Aleida and Jan Assmann’s concept of culturalmemory. She then addresses the question of how the Assmanns’ concept is received and interpreted in Poland. Discussion of these issues leads to an analysis of the advantages and difficulties of applying the two German scholars’ theoretical proposals to the study of memory in local communities. The author refers to the case of a moderately aggregated, urban society with a complicated multiethnic past. Her conclusions concern the challenges scholars face in adopting Aleida and Jan Assmann’s theoretical perspective for studying memory and local communities in this part of Europe
EN
The article presents the results of selected research on the attitudes of Polish society towards Russian aggression in Ukraine, including the sense of threat associated with the conflict and support for the scale and various forms of international help adressed towards Ukraine. The empirical data is used to present changes in public opinions during the time of the conflict. The general research question concerns the scale and direction of changes in the attitudes of Polish society during the war in Ukraine. Two hypotheses were tested. The first one assumes that the prolonged conflict and its consequences will result in a significant reduction in the level of support for aid provided to Ukraine. The competitive hypothesis assumes that as the Russian aggression continues, attitudes of solidarity and assistance to Ukraine will remain unchanged or will strengthen and consolidate as the war continues. The results of the research show that the pro-democratic and emancipatory activities of the Ukrainian society are accompanied by an increase in sympathy for Ukrainians in Poland. Support for various aid activities for Ukraine in Polish society is particularly high compared to other European countries, Poles are particularly distinguished by their acceptance of military aid (supplies of equipment and armaments). At the same time, after eight months of the conflict, a slight decrease in declarations of support for Ukraine can be observed. In particular, the acceptance for the reception and residence of war refugees is decreasing, although the majority of Poles are still in favor of this form of assistance. Although the Polish society is not unanimous, the data allow to defend the claim that the Russian aggression in Ukraine had a greater mobilization effect and contributed to integration in the face of the threat than caused the opposite effect.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono wyniki wybranych badań na temat postaw społeczeństwa polskiego wobec agresji rosyjskiej na Ukrainie, dotyczących poczucia zagrożenia związanego z konfliktem oraz poparcia dla różnych form pomocy i jej skali. Dane empiryczne służą przedstawieniu zmian opinii w trakcie trwania konfliktu. Ogólne pytanie badawcze postawione w artykule odnosi się do skali i kierunku zmian postaw społeczeństwa polskiego w trakcie trwania konfliktu. Testowaniu poddano dwie hipotezy. Pierwsza z nich zakłada, że przedłużający się konflikt i jego konsekwencje będą skutkowały znaczącym zmniejszeniem poziomu wsparcia dla pomocy udzielanej Ukrainie. Hipoteza konkurencyjna zakłada, że w miarę trwania agresji rosyjskiej postawy solidarności i pomocy Ukrainie pozostaną niezmienne lub w miarę trwania wojny będą się umacniać i ugruntowywać. Wyniki badań ukazują, że prodemokratycznym i emancypacyjnym działaniom społeczeństwu ukraińskiego towarzyszy wzrost sympatii dla Ukraińców w Polsce. Poparcie dla różnych form pomocy na rzecz Ukrainy w społeczeństwie polskim na tle krajów europejskich jest szczególnie wysokie. Polaków wyróżnia zwłaszcza akceptacja dla pomocy wojskowej (dostawy sprzętu i uzbrojenia). Jednocześnie po ośmiu miesiącach trwania konfliktu można zaobserwować niewielkie spadki deklaracji wsparcia dla Ukrainy. Zmniejsza się zwłaszcza akceptacja dla przyjmowania i pobytu uchodźców wojennych, choć nadal większość Polaków opowiada się za tą formą pomocy. Mimo że społeczeństwo polskie nie jest jednomyślne, dane pozwalają na obronę twierdzenia, iż rosyjska agresja w Ukrainie wywołała w większym stopniu efekt mobilizacji i przyczyniła się do integracji wobec zagrożenia, niż spowodowała odwrotny skutek.
EN
The ongoing dispute between the parties – Law and Justice and Civic Platform – bears the hallmarks oftotal polarization. This polarization is present in almost all spheres of social life. In all of them, there isa constant confrontation between the parties involving their leaders and members, voters, and the vastmajority of members of society. This process started in 2005 after a failed attempt to form a coalitiongovernment (POPiS) that was announced during the election campaign. The essential dynamics ofthis process were driven by affective factors and, to a much lesser extent, by ideological ones. Thearticle attempts to look at the polarization in contemporary Polish society and answer some of thequestions related to this problem: How was the polarization initiated? How did it develop? What areits specifics? The observations and the conclusions are formulated based on the results of quantitativesurveys carried out by a variety of institutions, especially the Public Opinion Research Center.
PL
Toczący się spór między partiami – Prawem i Sprawiedliwością a Platformą Obywatelską – nosi znamionapolaryzacji o charakterze totalnym, czyli takiej, która obejmuje niemal wszystkie sfery życiaspołecznego. W każdej z nich dochodzi do ciągłej konfrontacji liderów i członków partii, wyborcówi zdecydowanej większości członów społeczeństwa. Proces ten uruchomiony został w 2005 rokuprzez elity polityczne, po zakończonych niepowodzeniem negocjacjach, które nie doprowadziły dopowstania rządu opartego na, zapowiadanej w kampanii wyborczej, większościowej koalicji POPiS.Zasadniczą dynamikę temu procesowi nadawały czynniki o charakterze afektywnym, a w zdecydowaniemniejszym stopniu czynniki ideologiczne. W artykule podjęto próbę przyjrzenia się polaryzacjiwspółczesnego społeczeństwa polskiego oraz odpowiedzi na niektóre związane z tym problemempytania: W jaki sposób polaryzacja została zapoczątkowana?; W jaki sposób się rozwijała?; Na czympolega jej specyfika? Podstawą obserwacji i formułowanych wniosków są wyniki badań ilościowychzrealizowanych przez różne instytucje, w tym przede wszystkim przez CBOS.
EN
The development of civil society in Poland was one of the goals of the political transformation in 1989. Since then, Polish interest in social issues has grown, although not to the extent expected, not fully realizing its potential. Since 2015, compared to previous years, there seems to be an increasing willingness among Poles to engage in social matters, evident through protest movements and demonstrations, and after 2022, also through involvement in humanitarian aid for refugees from Ukraine. To present the dynamics, evaluate, and outline a forecast for the development of Polish civil society, the article starts by presenting the evolution of the concept and its significance for democracy. It also highlights practical manifestations of civil society functioning. Drawing on statistical research conducted by CBOS and GUS regarding the social engagement of Poles, as well as Elżbieta Korolczuk’s article on the nature of contemporary civil society in Poland, the article analyzes trends and changes in the activation of Poles, pointing out areas of greatest interest. The paper also presents challenges faced by contemporary civil society to effectively outline potential directions of its development.
PL
Doktor Franciszek Stefczyk należy do grona prekursorów polskiego ruchu spółdzielczego, będąc zarówno teoretykiem, jak i twórcą jego struktur w różnych branżach. W swojej pracy wykorzystywał on szeroką wiedzę i umiejętności zdobyte w trakcie studiów historycznych i prawniczych, a także w pracy naukowej. Stefczyk był bowiem erudytą i typem naukowca, który jednak potrafił wykorzystywać swoje umiejętności w pracy społecznej, aktywności politycznej i gospodarczej, dostrzegając potrzeby człowieka, jak również całego narodu i państwa. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przybliżenie poglądów Franciszka Stefczyka na rolę i zadania spółdzielczości jako elementu życia społecznego. W myśli ekonomicznej twórcy systemu kas kredytowych centralne miejsce zajmował człowiek, którego zawsze określał podmiotem całej polityki gospodarczej. Ważnym elementem tejże polityki była natomiast dla niego spółdzielczość, którą uważał za jeden z najskuteczniejszych sposobów obrony i pomocy dla najsłabszych ekonomicznie warstw społecznych.
EN
Doctor Franc Stefczyk belongs to the bevy of precursors of the Polish cooperative movement, being both a theoretician and an originator of its structures in different branches. In his work he made use of the extensive knowledge and abilities acquired in the course of historical and law studies, as well as in his scientific work. For Stefczyk was an erudite and a type of scientist, who at the same time was able to use his abilities in community work, and political and economic activity, recognizing the needs of the individual, but also the entire nation and country. The aim of this article is to present Franc Stefczyk’s views on the role and functions of the cooperative movement as the element of social life. In the economic thought of the originator of credit unions’ system in the central place was always a man, who he described as the subject of the economic policy. An important element of this policy was for him the cooperative movement, which he regarded as one of the most effective ways of the defense and assistance to the most vulnerable economically social classes.
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PL
Badania nad jakością życia wyznaczają różne jej interpretacje i wskazują na rozmaite narzędzia oraz metody jej pomiaru. W badaniach jakości życia występuje zarówno opisowe, jak i wartościujące rozumienie tej kategorii. Podejście opisowe jest podstawą do rozróżnienia obiektywnej i subiektywnej jakości życia. Przytaczane w różnorodnych definicjach aspekty jakości życia mają swój wymiar obiektywny, ale ich ocena zależy od subiektywnego systemu wartości oraz odczucia co do stopnia zaspokojenia potrzeb i aspiracji. Celem artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie: jak współcześni Polacy postrzegają jakość swojego życia i jakie cenią wartości? W artykule podjęto rozważania teoretyczne dotyczące terminu „jakość życia” i wykorzystano także raporty Diagnozy Społecznej i CBOS oraz wyniki autorskich badań ankietowych. Na podstawie analizy literatury przedmiotu i wykorzystanych materiałów źródłowych można wysnuć wniosek, że jakość życia Polaków w istotny sposób kształtują przede wszystkim relacje rodzinne i międzyludzkie oraz zdrowie.
EN
Research on the quality of life provides a number of interpretations on what this quality actually is and suggests using various tools and methods for measuring it. Studies are based both on descriptive and evaluative approaches to the category under discussion. The former lays foundations for differentiating between objective and subjective quality of living. Referred to in a number of definitions, different aspects of life quality have an objective dimension, yet their assessment depends on the subjective system of values and opinions about the extent to which one’s needs and aspirations are being satisfied. The article is aimed at determining how modern Polish people perceive the quality of their lives and what values they cherish. Furthermore, the paper is an attempt to discuss the notion of “life quality” based on reports produced by the Public Opinion Research Centre (CBOS), Social Diagnosis (Diagnoza Społeczna) as well as the results of questionnaire survey conducted by the author. Based on the study of the literature on the subject and source materials, conclusion may be drawn that the life quality of Polish people depends greatly on family and interpersonal relations as well as health issues.
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Content available Entrepreneurial behavior of polish society
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EN
Purpose: The aim of the paper is to analyse entrepreneurial behaviour of Polish society and level of entrepreneurship in Poland in the years 2014-2018. Design/methodology/approach: The first part of the article is based on an analysis of literature on the issues discussed. Then, based on the GEM Reports, the various manifestations of entrepreneurship and its level in Poland in 2014-2018 was assessed. Findings: The conducted research indicates that more and more Poles see business opportunities in their environment and do not feel fear of failure. On the other hand, fewer people plan to set up their own business, which is undoubtedly the reflection of a good situation in the labour market, which allows people to freely choose between their own business and labour for hire, which, in turn, affects a decline in entrepreneurial intentions. The better motivation structure of young entrepreneurs is also visible in Poland, as most people start their own business seeing it as an opportunity rather than necessity. Originality/value: The analysis allows the identification of areas requiring changes. Therefore, it may constitute the basis for the government to take appropriate actions to increase the level and quality of entrepreneurial activity.
EN
The present article refers to a free associative experiment and its results. The author tries to determine what values are represented with the term “woman” in Russian and Polish societies. The article is focused on similarities as well as differences between the Polish and Russian respondents. In order to achieve this, the author classified and divided the lexis proposed by the respondents into groups. Those groups were thoroughly discussed and analyzed. By doing this, the author tries to look into the subconsciousness of a young modern person. Thus, in the article the answers to the following questions can be found: do stereotypes concerning women still exist?; what do Poles and Russians think about that?; is their way of thinking convergent or not? The experiment described in the article was conducted during 2011–2013 among 100 Poles and 200 Russians under the age of 30. It was carried out by means of series  of surveys; in these surveys respondents were asked to provide words and expressions they associate with the term “woman”. Classified lexical units were then analyzed, the conclusion was drawn on the basis of this analysis. The text is divided into parts. Every part revolves around classification of responses of both groups: first group - Russians (both men and women), second - Poles (men and women). The assignment comprises four diagrams that picture the percentage of responses in the groups.
EN
The Matthew effect, considered in the broad context of a whole society, implies that increasing social inequality results from the accumulation of advantages provided by wealth and by the amassing of disadvantages associated with poverty. We formulate a hypothesis according to which the Matthew effect manifests itself in the polarization of opposite social classes even if the adaptive abilities of people belonging to different classes are controlled. The test of this hypothesis is primarily based on data drawn from the Polish Panel Survey (POLPAN), a survey in which respondents from a national sample were interviewed in 1988, 1993, 1998, and 2003. Additional data were obtained from surveys conducted in 1978 and 2006. All these data show that (a) during the last decade of the communist regime in Poland, the level of income inequality was relatively low and stable; (b) the change in the class structure occurring between 1989 and 1993 resulted in the rapid growth of social inequality, and (c) inequality increased up to 2006. The hypothesis stating that income inequality is rooted in the class structure, independently of people’s adaptive abilities, is fully supported. Theoretical and practical implications of results supporting our hypothesis are also discussed.
PL
Celem artykułu jest pokazanie zmian użycia metafor „czerwony autobus” i „autobus” w polskiej kulturze popularnej na przestrzeni ostatnich kilkudziesięciu lat. Znaczenie badania leży w powiązaniu ich ze sposobem przedstawiania społeczeństwa polskiego oraz zbiorowym doświadczaniem i wytwarzaniem emocji. Autorzy zastosowali koncepcje teoretyczne i narzędzia analizy dyskursu. Jako materiał badawczy wykorzystali zbiór 20 polskich utworów muzycznych z lat 1952–2014, w których metafora „autobus” pełniła ważną rolę, wykorzystując ją jako domenę źródłową dla obrazowania stanu zbiorowości. W rezultacie syntetycznego zestawienia treści metafory i zbadania jej umieszczenia w tekście oraz bardziej szczegółowej analizy kontekstowej wybranych utworów autorzy wykazali tendencję do ukazywania społeczeństwa jako wspólnoty ludzi obcych, ale jednocześnie bliskich ze względu na podzielanie pozycji relatywnego wykluczenia, braku zbiorowego celu i indywidualnego wpływu, a także doświadczanie różnych emocji negatywnych.
EN
The main purpose of the article is to offer an interpretation of social transformations by means of the analysis of society’s discursive representations. The changes in the use of “red bus” and “bus” metaphors in Polish popular culture after the second world war are an empirical focal point of the article. These metaphors are interpreted as a portrayal of the collective experiences and emotions that have been evolving in Polish society over the last sixty years. Based on the criterion of the metaphors’ presence, a corpus of 20 Polish lyrics from 1952–2014 has been selected for the analysis. The theory and methods of discourse analysis have been applied. By means of the synthetic comparative study of the metaphors’ meanings and their positions in texts as well as through the detailed contextual analysis of the selected lyrics, the authors come to the conclusion that there is a growing tendency of portraying society as a community of people who are alien to each other, yet connected by sharing a position of relative exclusion, lacking collective purpose and agency and experiencing a spectrum of negative emotions.
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Content available O wypełnianiu nieistniejącej próżni
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PL
This essay addresses the question of the ties between various social levels, particularly in connection with research on Polish society at various stages of its post-war history. In reference to the theoretical reflections and research presented by Mikołaj Pawlak in the book Tying Micro and Macro: What Fills Up the Sociological Vacuum in 2018, the author of the article argues for the necessity of careful consideration in formulating research generalities, especially when they refer to terms or metaphors coined earlier, such as the idea of a sociological vacuum proposed in the 1970s by Stefan Nowak.
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