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1

Zapomniany tarnowianin dr med. Marian Wodziński (1911–1986) i jego aktywny udział w odkrywaniu prawdy o zbrodni katyńskiej

100%

Glugla P.

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tom 2(42)

150-181

EN

The text attempts to present the wartime and post-war fate of the Polish intelligentsia who took a direct part in uncovering the Katyn massacre, using the example of Dr Marian Wodziński, a medical doctor. As a forensic doctor, he was appointed (against his will), to examine the exhumation of the victims buried in the Katyn forest. As a forensic expert, he believed that it was not up to him to determine the perpetrators, but to the court that would one day hear the murder case. He remained under pressure from the Germans, and after his return from Katyn to Poland, he was intensively searched by the NKVD and the UB, as an inconvenient, muchknowing witness. Arrested by the NKVD, he was freed thanks to influential people, and when he started to go into hiding, an APB was issued for him. In December 1945, he managed to escape from Poland under the name Marian Cich. He settled in the United Kingdom. The security apparatus recruited his brother Stanislaw to collaborate with him for many years. Despite many attempts, Dr M. Wodziński did not succumb to persuasion and pressure and did not return to Poland, although he missed his homeland very much. He returned to Tarnów after his death, in an urn which was buried in the family grave. Despite his many merits, as well as his patriotic attitude, until recently the figure of Dr M. Wodziński was forgotten. Also in his home town of Tarnów. The text about Dr Marian Wodziński should be – in the author’s assumption – a memento of this luminous figure for contemporary and future generations of Poles, especially the Polish intelligentsia, of which Dr Wodziński was a representative.

2

Zaangażowanie kobiet w problemy społeczne w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym w Polsce na wybranych przykładach

63%

Skotnicka-Palka M.

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tom 22

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nr 1

80-101

EN

The article presents the profiles and activities of a few selected women, social activists from the interwar period in Poland. They came from various backgrounds, they were active in many fields, but also offered and directed their help to various groups of people. They were all connected by their work done out of sense of duty and even understood as a mission towards people who were in need. Their possibilities were different. Michalina Mościcka and Aleksandra Piłsudska were the wives of notable politicians. They both acted as community workers before their husbands ’political careers took off, and likewise while they were in public office. Olga Małkowska from the Drahonowski family participated in the establishment of the scouting movement in Poland, promoted its spread in society, and at the same time saw and reacted to problems that Poles faced right after the state regained independence. She was socially involved, inter alia, in taking care of poor children. Dr. Justyna Budzyńska-Tylicka was a doctor, a pioneer in promoting women’s hygiene and health. She noticed the problems of the poorest women related to the issue of family planning, which led her to engage in social and educational activities in rural and working-class communities. The writer Irena Krzywicka was also active in this field. Zofia Solarzowa, on the other hand, took the work in the social field from home. Following the example of the activities of her adoptive parents, she felt the need to continue their work, engaging in the cooperative movement, thus educating future social activists. The activities of all these women could be treated as a new form of patriotism, meant not through armed, military struggle, but through broadly understood work aimed at strengthening the Polish state, reborn after 123 years of captivity.

PL

W artykule zaprezentowano sylwetki i działalność kilku wybranych kobiet, aktywistek społecznych z dwudziestolecia międzywojennego. Wywodziły się one z różnych środowisk, działały na wielu polach, kierowały swą pomoc do rozmaitych grup osób. Wszystkie łączyła praca wykonywana w poczuciu obowiązku, a nawet misji wobec potrzebujących. Ich możliwości działania były różne. Michalina Mościcka i Aleksandra Piłsudska były żonami polityków. Obie pracowały społecznie, zanim ich mężowie zrobili kariery polityczne, jak też w trakcie pełnienia przez nich funkcji publicznych. Olga Małkowska z Drahonowskich uczestniczyła w tworzeniu skautingu na ziemiach polskich, promowała ideę harcerską w społeczeństwie, a jednocześnie dostrzegała problemy, z którymi zmagali się Polacy tuż po odzyskaniu przez kraj niepodległości. Angażowała się społecznie, m.in. otaczając opieką niezamożne dzieci. Dr Justyna Budzińska-Tylicka była lekarką, pionierką propagowania higieny i zdrowia kobiecego. Dostrzegła problemy najuboższych kobiet związane z kwestią planowania rodziny, co skłoniło ją do zaangażowania się w działalność społeczną i oświatową w środowiskach wiejskich i robotniczych. Na tym polu aktywna była również pisarka Irena Krzywicka. Zofia Solarzowa potrzebę działalności na niwie społecznej wyniosła z domu. Wzorując się na aktywności swoich przybranych rodziców, czuła potrzebę kontynuowania ich pracy, angażując się na rzecz ruchu spółdzielczego, wychowując w ten sposób przyszłych działaczy społecznych. Ich aktywność można potraktować jako nową formę patriotyzmu, nie poprzez walkę zbrojną, ale przez szeroko pojętą pracę mającą na celu wzmocnienie odrodzonego po 123 latach niewoli państwa polskiego.

3

Lost Capital-the Intelligentsia Current of Underground “Solidarity” in Free Poland

51%

Mielczarek A.

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tom 163

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nr 3

229-244

EN

This article discusses a study of the present vicissitudes of men and women who were active in the underground publishing movement in the nineteen-eighties. One of the elements of the underground “Solidarity” ideology was civic responsibility and social activity. The author wanted to know whether the one-time conspirators have carried these ideas into free Poland.Hefound that very few former underground activists now work in public institutions. They are disappointed with the outcomes of the transformation which, rather than giving them a sense of agency, are convincing them that former members of the democratic opposition have not been instrumental to the successful development of a new, democratic state. The one-time activists are also finding it difficult to come to terms with the social costs of the reforms which they feel they co-authored. Most of them have not ceased to be socially active, however, although they no longer speak the language of civic involvement. They feel that the values they lived by in the years of struggle with the communist regime cannot be applied in any way to the political reality of a free country.

4

O stylu autobiografii żołnierza‑inteligenta (przykład Jana Fudakowskiego)

38%

Tomaszewska W. M.

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nr 2

113-126

EN

The article is the result of research into non-fiction, memoir writing from the period of the 1920 war. On the basis of Uhlan Memoirs from 1920, an autobiographical book by Jan Fudakowski, the author considers the problem of specificity and individuality of the war autobiography style. The studied example is an autobiography of a soldier and an educated man. Fudakowski consistently assumes a double role of a soldier and an intelligentsia member, both important for his perception and manne of describing the war reality. In the light of his narration, the writer reveals himself as a lover of the prose by Henryk Sienkiewicz, a careful observer and a participant of key battles in the war campaign, and also as a citizen involved in the affairs of the independent Polish Commonwealth. While presenting the autobiographic style of Fudakowski as realized in his memoirs, the author discusses the following thematic orders (systems): (1) the style of intelligentsia identity; (2) the style of presenting battlefields; and (3) the style of thinking about a post-war future. As far as literary theory is concerned, the considerations were based on the works by Philippe Lejeune and Jean Starobinski.

PL

Artykuł jest efektem badań nad prozą niefikcjonalną, wspomnieniową z czasów wojny 1920 roku. Na podstawie książki autobiograficznej Jana Fudakowskiego Ułańskie wspomnienia z roku 1920 autorka rozważa problem swoistości, indywidualności stylu autobiografii wojennej. Jest to autobiografia żołnierza‑inteligenta, gdyż Fudakowski konsekwentnie występuje w podwójnej roli, żołnierza i inteligenta, obydwu ważnych w jego widzeniu i sposobach zapisu rzeczywistości wojennej. W świetle narracji autor ujawnia się jako miłośnik prozy Henryka Sienkiewicza, baczny obserwator i uczestnik bitew kluczowych w kampanii wojennej, a także jako obywatel zaangażowany w sprawy niepodległej Rzeczpospolitej. Odsłaniając zrealizowany we wspomnieniach styl autobiografii, autorka podejmuje następujące zagadnienia: (1) styl inteligenckiej tożsamości; (2) styl przedstawiania pól bitewnych; (3) styl myślenia o powojennej przyszłości. Podstawą teoretycznoliteracką rozważań są prace Philippe’a Lejeune’a i Jeana Starobinskiego.