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EN
The article show the names of the sacrament of confirmation used in Piotr Skarga’s sermons. The analyzed material has been taken from “Kazania o śiedmi Sakramentach” published in 1600 in Kraków by Andrzej Piotrowczyk publishinh house, whereas the comparative material has originated from “Słownik polszczyzny XVI wieku” and other publications about religious language, which are enumerated in the bibliography. The analysis of the materials shows that Skarga has not created new names for the sacrament of confirmation. they have the same forms as in the Bible or in the papers of Church Fathers, namely confirmation, sacrament of confirmation.
EN
Father P. Skarga and John Paul II no adopted the principle that every biography of a saint must mention his or her devotion to Mary. This “omission”of sorts was due to various reasons. Sometimes testimonies were missing, other times the biographers only wanted to highlight the central truthsof the Christian Mystery. They both spoke of Marian devotion in the context of the whole of Christian witness, the whole Mystery of Christ. Their accounts indicate that the Polish saints discussed here represent many models of Marian devotion. Fr. Skarga and John Paul II pointed to various forms of Marian devotion of the Polish saints: from summoning of the Mother of the Lord to imitating her attitudes. In the light of these accounts, the hypothesis that there is one way in which the Polish saints lived their devotion to Mary is disproved.
PL
Studium życiorysów polskich świętych z okresu X-XVI wieku, których przedstawiali ks. Skarga i Jan Paweł II prowadzi do wniosku, że polscy święci reprezentują wiele modeli maryjności: od przyzywania Matki Pana, po naśladowanie Jej postaw. W relacjach obu autorów widać umiejętność ich rozróżnienia, ale brak dowodów na promowanie i eksponowanie jednej formy maryjności. Żywoty niektórych świętych nawet przemilczają sprawę maryjności. W świetle tych relacji negatywnie zostaje zweryfikowana hipoteza o jednej drodze maryjnej polskich świętych.
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Content available remote Nazwania sakramentu chrztu w Kazaniach Piotra Skargi
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EN
The article shows the names of the sacrament of baptism used in Piotr Skarga’s sermons. The analyzed material has been taken from Kazania o siedmi sakramentach published in 1600 in Krakow by A. Piotrowczyk publishing house, whereas the comparative material has originated from Słownik polszczyzny XVI wieku and other publications about religious language, which are enumerated in the bibliography. The analysis of the materials shows that Skarga has not created new names for the sacrament of baptism. They have the same forms as in the Bible or in the papers of Church Fathers, namely baptism, the sacrament of the baptism. The preacher uses also comparisons and metaphors, eg. bath-house, revival, circumcision.
EN
The year 1912 – that is a time when dreams of regaining national sovereignty and launching new irredentist activities began to be reborn in the Polish society (in connection with the political turmoil in Europe auguring an imminent outbreak of the “great war”), was associated with a few important historical anniversaries, namely: the 300th anniversary of the death of Rev. Piotr Skarga, the 100th anniversary of the death of Hugo Kołłątaj, the 100th anniversary of the birth of Zygmunt Krasiński and Józef Ignacy Kraszewski, and finally the 100th anniversary of the expedition of Napoleon’s Great Army on Moscow; it was particularly the latter event that was being associated with the hopes of ‘resurrecting’ Poland within its pre-partition borders. The above-mentioned anniversaries created an excellent opportunity for the Poles to manifest – wherever possible – that is chiefly on the territory of autonomous Galicia and among the émigré circles – their patriotic feelings. For the individual political factions, these jubilee celebrations constituted an excellent pretext to intensify the struggle for the proverbial “rule of the souls”. In the year 1912 in Kraków it was primarily the memory of the author of Nie-Boska komedia and Irydion (23 February), and secondly (25–27 September) that of the author of the famous Kazania sejmowe /Diet Sermons/, that were being celebrated. The latter of the two celebrations had, above all, the character of a religious holiday. Whereas in connection with the homage paid to the memory of Zygmunt Krasiński, there appeared clear accents and allusions as well as ideologicalpolitical polemics, no scholar researching the post-partition history of the Poles can pass by with indifference. To put things in a nutshell, for the Kraków conservative-conciliatory circles which eagerly took over patronage over the organization of the celebrations associated with the 100th anniversary of the birth of the “third national poet-bard”, this holiday became an excellent opportunity to recall the warnings of the author of Nie-Boska komedia against the dire consequences of all socially radical ideologies (in the contemporary Galician realities, this meant above all, a warning against the socialists grouped around Ignacy Daszyński) and also against propagating the idea of “deed-work” rather than “deed-struggle” (as all irredentists who were then setting up unions and Polish Rifle Squads seemed to require).
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Content available NORWIDOWSKIE POMNIKI LITERATURY
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PL
Norwidian Literary Monuments   The article discusses functions of quoting pre-Romantic authors in Norwid’s literary and discursive texts. The author argues that Norwid treated Franciszek Karpiński, Piotr Skarga, and Ignacy Krasicki as commentators of the nineteenth-century world and consequently as ‘literary monuments’ who participated in forging the contemporary cultural reality. In Norwid’s works, these authors themselves, not only their texts, became sui generis manifestations and figures of the fate of an unanswered prophet, or an advocate of home truths; as such they became mythologised. One can also find in Norwid’s works, however, elements of the discussion with literary tradition, which proves that he actively engaged with some of the ‘monuments’ of literature (cf. the case of Łukasz Górnicki).
EN
This paper concerns strategies which were applied by Skarga when he was translating the Good Friday oration of Italian Jesuit Stefano Tuccio (delivered before Pope Gregory XIII in 1583). The strategies were divided into four groups (according to translatological and rhetorical key): adiectio, detractio, transmutatio i immutatio. The very brief sermon demanded special tools. Skarga performed an unusual task. He retained spirit of the original and at the same time demonstrated an invention. The preacher had to choose between two strategies of translation – the method of words and the method of a sentence (or a sense). He unambiguously decided for the second one. His fundamental unit of translation was a sentence (its sense, a rhetorical figure, a sound), not a word. Skarga was the translator but primarily he felt he was the rhetor and this (his rhetorical preparation and skill) determined the character of the translation.
EN
On 25–27th September 1912, scientific and clergy circles in Cracow hosted the Catholic Congress to commemorate Piotr Skarga. It constituted the main element of the Polish commemoration of the 300th Anniversary of Piotr Skarga’s death. Beyond-partitions nature of the meeting was reflected in the composition of the organizing committee, the issues discussed, and the resolutions passed. The Congress also provided an opportunity to manifest the connections between Polish circles in public. The Congress’ commemoration of Piotr Skarga should also be considered as an element of a reliable method that allowed scientific and socio-professional circles to establish and maintain contacts beyond partitions.
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Content available Piotr Skarga w publicystyce rokoszu Zebrzydowskiego
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EN
The attitude of Piotr Skarga toward occurrences from the years 1606–1609 was defined by his political opinions, which bases were monarchism and Catholicism of the Counter Reformation. In the discussed time Skarga voiced his opinions in three works. His invectives had a little in common with the truth. The main invective regarding the “rebels” concerned the crime against the Roman Catholic Church. The remaining matters were only an addendum of the main issue. Meanwhile, for the “rebels” more important than confession were nobility and citizenship. Hence came Skarga’s entire incomprehension for demands and system of nobles. There were many more writings which appeared as impostors of Piotr Skarga. The authors, for the most part anonymous, described thepreacher as the supreme enemy, the sower of discord, the destroyer of freedom and the embodiment of evil. T hey alleged him a peasantorigins, hypocrisy, and false care for the country. Skarga was the enemy of the political nation of The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, hated all of that nation matters. Still, the Polish people from XIXth and XXth centuries committed to memory the adherents of Zebrzydowski as the “rebels”, even if “rebels” really basically understood, what was the reason of The State of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. summarized by Dawid Szymczak
EN
As a conclusion of an in-depth analysis of the current state of research on the topic, the article presents a multitude of literary sources, mainly in manuscript format. These include, above all, the hand-written notes of Saint Dmitry from Rostow on the pages of three editions of Żywoty Świętych (Lives of the Saints) — up to now the most popular encyclopaedia of Christian sanctity. It is claimed that this most prominent Ukrainian-Russian religious writer many a time compared various sources, including Żywoty Świętych by Skarga. This allowed him to obtain more specified information regarding particular saints or even to make corrections in Prolog (The Prologue) and in Mineje (The Menaion). What is more, Saint Dmitry has not only learned to compile several sources from Piotr Skarga, but he also manager to achieve stylistic unity.
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PL
Artykuł omawia anonimowo wydany poemat „Apologeticus” (Wilno 1582), pierwszą bezpośrednią ewangelicką wypowiedź w polemice wokół konfederacji warszawskiej. Nie był to jedynie defensywny „respons” na wcześniejsze wypowiedzi katolików, lecz – sprowokowane tumultem wileńskim 1581 r. – ofensywne „upominanie” ich. Przedmioty kalwińskiego ataku to: papież (z nim również jezuici i Stanisław Hozjusz), duchowieństwo polskie, wiarołomstwo Kościoła, kult świętych i kult maryjny, katolickie bałwochwalstwo, celibat. Argumenty zasadniczo uwarunkowane historycznym „tam i wtedy” (Wilno lat 1581–1582) z czasem w pismach ewangelickich polemistów były coraz słabsze czy nawet w ogóle już nie pojawiały się. Zarazem owe pisma już nie charakteryzowały się takim natężeniem wrogich wobec katolików emocji, jakie znamienne było dla tego poematu. Jeśli Piotr Skarga to „szermierz kontrreformacji”, nieznanego autora „Apologeticusa” można nazwać (przez analogię) „rębajłą reformacji” (vide jego antykatolickie inwektywy).
EN
The paper discusses an anonymous poem “Apologeticus” (published in Vilnius 1582) being the first direct evangelical statement in a polemics about the Confederation of Warsaw. Not only was it a defensive response to previous Catholic speeches, but also an offensive monition directed to them and provoked by the 1581 Vilnius turmoil. The objects of Calvinian attack are the Pope (alongside of the Jesuits and Stanisław Hozjusz), the Polish clergy, Polish renegades, worship of the saints and of Holy Mary, Catholic idolatry, and celibacy. The arguments, essentially conditioned by historical “there” and “then” (Vilnius between 1581–1582), with time in the writings of evangelic polemists ceased or even did not appear at all. Thus, such writings were not characterised by such intensity of emotions unfriendly to the Catholics as visible in the poem in question. Provided Piotr Skarga is “a warrior of Counter Reformation,” the unknown author of “Apologeticus” may be per analogiam referred to as “a swashbuckler of Reformation” due to his anti-Catholic invectives.
EN
The problem of poverty and accumulating debt of the households is present for many centuries. People who were trying to save themselves from financial problems by loaning money on abusive interest rates aroused Piotr Skarga's interest in XVIth century. He popularized institutions such as The Brotherhood of Charity, st. Nicolaus Chest, The Brotherhood of st. Lazarus. Mount of Piety is to be distinguished among them, which held a particular interest in people with problem of debt and poverty. The idea of bank, which would lend faithful people in need loan in order to enhance their financial situation or to create a profitable small business, Skarga borrowed from Italy. In Italy the idea had been present already in XIII century. In Poland this kind of banks, thanks to Skarga, were established among others in Warsaw, Łowicz, Pułtusk, Zamość. The most famous one is the one in Cracow, which was operating in 1584-1953. There people would lend money with no interest-rates on jewelry or broadcloth. There was a variety of pawns, starting from parts of clothing to dinner sets. All the rules of the bank functioning were set by Skarga. The first 300 years of functioning of the bank until the commemorative 1884 were the times of ups and downs. The institution did not go astray from the main idea of helping people with a high interest-rate debts to pull through. That is why the institution is called the predecessor of micro-financing, because just like micro-financing the bank helped many people in times of need.
PL
Problem ubóstwa i zadłużania się gospodarstw domowych jest aktualny od wielu wieków. Borykające się z problemami finansowymi osoby, ratujące się kredytami lichwiarskimi na bardzo wysoki procent, wzbudziły w XVI wieku zainteresowanie księdza Piotra Skargi, który rozpowszechnił instytucje takie, jak Bractwo Miłosierdzia, Skrzynka św. Mikołaja, Bractwo św. Łazarza czy Bank Pobożny, który szczególnie skupiał się na problemach osób ubogich, mających zadłużenia. Pomysł założenia banku, który udzielałby osobom potrzebującym i wierzącym pożyczek na podreperowanie swojej sytuacji materialnej lub założenie niewielkiej działalności przynoszącej zyski, ks. Skarga zaczerpnął z Włoch, gdzie taka idea była znana już w XIII wieku. W Polsce banki te za sprawą ks. Skargi zostały założone między innymi w Warszawie, Łowiczu, Pułtusku, Zamościu. Najbardziej jednak znany był bank w Krakowie, który działał w latach 1584-1953. Udzielano w nim bezprocentowych pożyczek pod zastaw klejnotowy bądź sukienny. Zastawiane fanty były różne (od elementów ubiorów po zastawę stołową). Zasady dotyczące funkcjonowania Banku opracował ks. Skarga. Pierwsze trzysta lat funkcjonowania Banku aż do jubileuszowego roku 1884 to czas zarówno sukcesów, jak i kryzysów. Nigdy jednak instytucja ta nie odeszła od głównej idei, czyli pomagania osobom ubogim i zadłużonym na lichwiarski procent w wyjściu z trudnej sytuacji. Nie bez powodu nazywana jest „przodkiem” mikrokredytów, wyprowadziła bowiem z kryzysu wielu ludzi.
EN
The article deals with two positive visions of Piotr Skarga (as an important figure in the national history) created in literature: romantic and positivist ones, and their impact on journalism. The interest in his figure on the part of the Galician press took place on the occasion of the 300th anniversary of the priest’s death and the organization of Skarga Congress in Kraków. The analyzed magazines, regardless of their political affinities, considered and assessed various aspects of Skarga’s activity: political, religious, social and literary-linguistic ones. The presentation of the characters often reflected the socio-political views of the press circles.
PL
Artykuł zajmuje się kreowanymi w literaturze dwiema pozytywnymi wizjami Piotra Skargi (jako ważnej postaci w dziejach ojczystych): romantyczną i pozytywistyczną, i ich oddziaływaniem na czasopiśmiennictwo. Zainteresowanie ze strony prasy galicyjskiej jego postacią nastąpiło z okazji 300. rocznicy śmierci duchownego i organizacji krakowskiego zjazdu skargowskiego. Analizowane czasopisma, niezależnie od sympatii politycznych, podejmowały i oceniały różne aspekty działalności Skargi: polityczny, religijny, społeczny i literacko-językowy. Prezentacja postaci odzwierciedlała często poglądy społeczno-polityczne środowisk prasowych.
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Content available „Z dozwoleniem” drukowane
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EN
The article indicates phenomenon of existence on some 16th century prints (and later ones, very commonly) stereotypical formula which confi rmed, that they were published with approbation of adequate authorities described as „elders” or „superiors”. Discussed phenomenon was connected with preventive censorship, specifi cally with infl uence of decisions of Council of Trent on books. 8th of April 1546, on the fourth session of the fi rst phase of Council of Trent referring to decisions of the earlier Council of Lateran (4th of May 1515) there were defi ned the rules printers should had obey. It was ordered that author’s name and name of the printing shop should be explicitly shown on the title page. Printing and selling books without examination by and approval of the bishop was forbidden under the punishment of anathema and fi ne, in a case of books written by monks additional approval by their superiors was obligatory. In Poland in the prints confi rming examining the book and indicating they did not contain any content against the faith (sometimes also against good habits) there appeared shortened formula Cum licentia Superiorum, Facultate Superiorum, Superiorum Permissu (with approbation or acceptance of the Elders). The process of even formal introduction of the Council (ended in December 1563) Acts’ went on very slowly. The King received the Book of Council Acts from nuncio on 7th of August 1564. In the period 1564-1568 the Trident Council’s decisions were introduced in three dioceses. The formula Cum Facultate Superiorum appeared in the year 1576 r. on the (fi rst!) book by Piotr Skarga, which was also the fi rst book produced in the newly established printing shop in Vilnius. These words could be also found in the foreign editions of books written by Poles (e,g. Stanisław Reszka, 1574). Usage of this formula gradually grew, specifi cally within the Jesuits prints, however it is still absent from many of their books, including majority Skarga’s works. This formula might be found in frequently re-printed Skarga’s „Sermons” and „Lives of the Saints”.
PL
W artykule wskazano na pojawienie się w niektórych drukach szesnastowiecznych (i późniejsze długie i powszechniejsze stosowanie) stereotypowej formuły potwierdzającej, że ukazały się one z pozwoleniem odpowiednich władz, określanych, jako „starsi” bądź „przełożeni”. Wiązało się to z cenzurą prewencyjną, a zwłaszcza oddziaływaniem postanowień Soboru Trydenckiego dotyczących książek. 8 IV 1546 r. na sesji czwartej pierwszej fazy Soboru Trydenckiego nawiązując do postanowień wcześniejszego Soboru Laterańskiego (4 V 1515) określono zasady obowiązujące drukarzy. Nakazano umieszczanie autora i nazwy drukarni na karcie tytułowej. Pod karą anatemy i grzywny zabroniono druku i sprzedaży książek bez badania i zatwierdzenia przez biskupa, a w przypadku dzieł autorstwa zakonników, dodatkowo przez ich przełożonych. W drukach świadczących o zbadaniu dzieła i wskazujących, że nie zawierają one nic przeciwnego wierze, czasem także dobrym obyczajem pojawiły się też w Polsce skrócone formuły Cum licentia Superiorum, Facultate Superiorum, Superiorum Permissu czy „Z dozwoleniem” bądź „Pozwoleniem starszych”. Proces nawet formalnego przyjęcia ustaw soboru zakończonego w grudniu 1563 r. przebiegał powoli. Księgę ich ustaw przyjął król z rąk nuncjusza 7 VIII 1564 r. W latach 1564-1568 wdrożono postanowienia trydenckie w trzech diecezjach. Formuła Cum Facultate Superiorum pojawiła się w 1576 r. na książce (pierwszej!) autorstwa Piotra Skargi, a zarazem pierwszej z nowo uruchomionej drukarni w Wilnie. Wcześniej podobne słowa znalazły się na zagranicznych edycjach Polaków (np. w 1574 r. Stanisława Reszki). Liczne zastosowanie tej formuły stopniowo wzrastało, zwłaszcza na drukach jezuitów, choć brak jej na wielu ich książkach, w tym na większości dzieł Skargi. Są one natomiast na wielokrotnie wznawianych Żywotach i Kazaniach Piotra Skargi.
EN
The paper is to reconstruct the structure and presentation of the issues of Piotr Skarga’s sermons for giving thanks for victory in war. The Royal Preacher preached the following orations: after the victory of Byczyna by Jan Zamoyski in 1588 over Maximilian Habsburg (not printed); after the victory of The Army of John Charles Chodkiewicza of Kircholm over The Army of Charles, Prince of Sudermania in 1605; after the victory of Jan Zamoyski over the Michael the Brave (Mihai Viteazul) in 1600 and after the capture of Smolensk in 1611 by The Army of Sigismund III Vasa. Orations are made up of motto, exordium, narratio, propositio, argumentatio, part of instructive and conclusio. The paper presents the design of the title, brings the functions of motto; characterized has varied topics of introductions depending on the military situation. Posing the thesis, Skarga spoke about thanksgiving for God’s mercy, about the joy of victory, and regret over the death and suffering of soldiers, and finally about the benefits brought about by military victory. In narratio Skarga presented generally unfavorable circumstances associated with internal victory. The giving of proper thanks as arguments with the enumeration of gifts which received from God to the state and its citizens which Skarga put in argumentatio. He used the topic of exhortation, called to give thanks to God, the army and its commanders. Additionally, Skarga introduced the lecture containing a moral instruction. He condemned the attitude undesirable, calling for penance. In conclusio Skarga invited to worship the holy patrons: Stanislaus, Hedwig, and Wojciech. He expected to fund churches, set up monasteries as a form of thanksgiving. Skarga was reaching for The Bible not only in mottos, but also by building argumentatio. He compared the situation of human figures from Old Testament with the location of the commanders of the army and throughout the Commonwealth. He did not however, attribute the nobility of the state and their messianic role in history.
EN
Piotr Skarga lived and wrote in a period when ars rhetorica had an enormous influence on reading habits and writing strategies. In the course of reading many later authors took notes in their so called commonplace books — quotations, systematically ordered, were later at hand and ready to use in their writings. Analysis of some parts of Skarga’s writings — i.e. repetitions of exempla and topoi — shows that he probably had his own commonplace book. The article examines a possibility of recreating its fragments and puts Skarga’s writings in the context of 16th/17th century popularity of printed and self-made compilations of commonplaces.
EN
In considering the problem of ultramontanistic sources of the rising of post-tridentine hagiography we should point out understatements or ambiguities on some questions that have been almost beyond the scope of research interest: first of all on reception of Skarga’s hagiographical model in Polish parenetic tradition; furthermore, on its importance and, more broadly, importance of widely understood hagiographical literature in the nineteenth century as a time of constant struggle for religion and national identity of the Poles; finally, on the timeliness of Skarga’s hagiographical model as well as his parenetic project in nineteenth-century ultramontanistic pastoral conceptions and practice, in particular in the works of the Polish Capuchin Prokop Leszczyński. This article discusses the most important moments in constructing the ultramontanistic view of hagiography and the role of Skarga’s Żywoty Świętych Starego i Nowego Zakonu (1579) in developing of the religious and social action connected with rechristianisation of the Poles and raising their denotative awareness. In this context, it shows the views of, inter alia, Adam Mickiewicz, Bogdan Jański, Hieronim Kajsiewicz who prepared intellectual background for messianistic and ultra-montanistic attitudes towards regeneration of Polish society. When looking at publishing and writing practice in the second half of the nineteenth century, one should recognize their influence and regard the hagiographical discourse as having a really formative effect on Polish religious and national consciousness. In an abundant parenetic production there was a strong identification between sanctity, understood as heroic Catholicism, and love of the motherland. The scope of this production included popular, devotional collections of lives of the Polish saints which had been subordinated to the moral and patriotic idea, moreover, weakly associated with the post-tridentine, Skargian model. Opposite of them was the work Żywoty Świętych Pańskich by Leszczyński (1874), retaining popularity for over twenty five years, that articulated and promoted universal Christian ideas of social and personal morality, spirituality, charity, loyalty, integrity, as well as fidelity to the Roman Church and Catholic Orthodoxy. The analysis shows that the text draws clear inspiration from the work of the sixteenth-century Jesuit, however it appears still original and formative by adapting Skarga’s hagiographic model to the needs and religious programme of ultramontanistic pastoral work, as well as because of its transnational character, derived from the extranational character of its sources.
EN
In the relation addressed to his monastic confreres written in 1583, the Jesuit chronicler wrote that Tartu (Dorpat), where the Jesuit had recently moved to, was a city located in the most remote part of Livonia, as the territories belonging to today’s Latvia and Estonia were then called (Torpatum urbs est in extrema fere Livonia) (Kurtz 1925: 12).[1] The present article reminds us why the Jesuits arrived in these lands, which were little-known to Europeans at that time (and perhaps even today), and what Piotr Skarga wrote about them in his letters. The subject literature and archival sources available in Rome reveal that their arrival was aimed at the recatholicisation of Livonia undertaken by King Stefan Batory after his victorious wars with Russia. Regardless of the king’s obvious political goals, the Jesuits’ presence in the region was primarily linked with the evangelisation mission of the Order, whose tools included education, which, alongside direct pastoral work, was the leading form of its activity both in Livonia and elsewhere.[1]  The book contains Latin relations called litterae annuae, which were sent by the Jesuits to Rome, and their German translation. 
PL
Jezuicki kronikarz z 1583 r. pisał w swej relacji przeznaczonej dla współbraci zakonnych, że Tartu (Dorpat), gdzie od niedawna Jezuici zamieszkiwali, jest miastem położonym w najbardziej oddalonej części Liwonii, czyli Inflant, jak wówczas określano tereny dzisiejszej Łotwy i Estonii (Torpatum urbs est in extrema fere Livonia) (Kurtz 1925: 12)[1]. Niniejszy artykuł ukazuje przyczyny, dla których jezuici znaleźli się w tych niezbyt dobrze znanych ówczesnym (a może także współczesnym) Europejczykom stronach oraz to, co na ten temat pisał w swoich listach Piotr Skarga. Istniejąca literatura przedmiotu oraz dostępne w Rzymie źródła archiwalne dowodzą, że główną przyczyną ich przybycia na te tereny była akcja rekatolicyzacji Inflant podjęta przez króla Stefana Batorego po zwycięskich wojnach z Rosją. Niezależnie od oczywistych celów politycznych władcy, dla jezuitów główną racją obecności w regionie była misja ewangelizacyjna zakonu, a jednym z jej narzędzi było szkolnictwo, które obok bezpośredniego duszpasterstwa stanowiło wiodącą formę ich działalności tak w Inflantach, jak i gdzie indziej.[1]  Książka zawiera łaciński tekst relacji zwanych litterae annuae, przesyłanych przez jezuitów do Rzymu, oraz ich niemieckie tłumaczenie.
EN
The reception of relations between the Orthodox and Catholic Churches by the Ukrainian national consciousness was largely formed by a romantic myth. It appeared in the works by Taras Shevchenko, in the documents of the the Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius. According to this myth, the Church Union of Brest (1596) was the result of the colonial policy of the Polish government and the intrigues of the Jesuit priests. In fact, the influence of the royal administration on the religious life of the inhabitants of the Polish-Lithuanian state was extremely limited. „Henrician Articles” of 1573 forced the king to adhere to religious tolerance and to recognize the nobility’s right to free choice of religion. The Roman Catholic clergy, for the most part, did not want to grant Christians the Eastern rite of parity. The Society of Jesus, which formed a separate province in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1574, was guided not by political but by religious motives. Benedict Herbest (1531–1598) already in his work „Wypisanie drogi” („The Desribing of The Way”, 1566) discusses the prospect of restoring unity with the Orthodox Ruthenians. In the book „Wiary Kościołu Rzymskiego wywody” („The Arguments of the Roman Church’ Belief”) he explains Ruthenia’s departure from unity with Rome by lack of education and low religious consciousness. Piotr Skarga (1536–1612) wrote the book „O jedności Kościoła Bożego” („About the God’s Church’s Unity”, 1577), when he had not great authority in the Church and when he was little known in society. At the Brest synod in 1596 Skarga was not a participant and organizer, but only an observer and chronicler. Both Herbest and Skarga were only inflammatory polemicists who responded to the challenge of the Reform by calling for the consolidation of the Church in a single organism. The romantic myth is refuted by a closer acquaintance with their works and life experience.
EN
The article focuses upon the description of the massacre of seven Maccabean brothers and their mother, from the seventh chapter of the Second Book of the Maccabees, as one of the most important representational patterns for the chronologically later Christian hagiographic literature, and also outlines theological foundations, developed by the Fathers of the Church, for the inclusion of the heroes of the Jewish uprising from the second century B.C. in the category of martyrdom characteristic of Christianity. In the part devoted to the Old Polish reception of this theme, special attention is devoted to a separate literary rendition of the story, which is the only one of its kind, in A Pathetic Story of one Mother by Samuel Dowgird of Pogowie. A detailed analysis focuses on both placing this adaptation within the entire translation work of the Lithuanian author and the idea of its interpretation. The paper is complemented by a critical edition of Dowgird’s work.
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Content available remote Maryjność polskich świadków wiary według Piotra Skargi i Jana Pawła II
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Studium życiorysów polskich świętych z wieków od X do XVI przedstawianych przez ks. Skargę i Jana Pawła II prowadzi do wniosku, że polscy święci reprezentują wiele modeli maryjności: od przyzywania Matki Pana po naśladowanie Jej postaw. W relacjach obu autorów przedstawione zostały różne modele, ale brak dowodów na promowanie i eksponowanie jednej tylko formy maryjności. Żywoty niektórych świętych nawet przemilczają sprawę maryjno- ści. W świetle tych relacji negatywnie zostaje zweryfikowana hipoteza o jednej drodze maryjnej polskich świętych.
EN
A study of Piotr Skarga’s and John Paul II’s biographies of Polish saints from between the 10th and the 16th c. reveals that the saints represent many models of Marian devotion: from calling upon the Virgin Mother to following her attitudes. Thus, no evidence has been found for promoting and highlighting a specific model of Marian devotion. Indeed, some biographies even fail to mention the subject. Therefore, the hypothesis of a single and uniform Marian way of Polish saints must be refuted. The study has also revealed an original model of Polishness in the period investigated. It had a universal dimension, approximating the idea of ”Church”. For example, St. Wojciech (Adalbert of Prague) is a patron saint of Poland and is regarded as a Polish saint
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