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EN
The principal aim of this paper is to determine which inputs affect active labour market policy expenditure of nine OECD countries. After the theoretical insight, we have conducted an empirical analysis using data from 2000 to 2013 and applied the dynamic Arellano-Bond panel data model. We checked the robustness of our results by revising our dynamic Arellano-Bond model (by excluding correlated and non-significant variables) and comparing the results with the fixed-effects and random-effects data estimation model. Our results show that, from the practical standpoint, the expenditure on active labour market policy measures in the previous year has had the strongest impact on the expenditure in the following period. We have noticed a change in factors that influence the expenditure from the pre-crisis to the post-crisis period. General economic indicators (such as GDP) and labour market indicators play more important role in times of the economic crisis.
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Content available remote FILOZOFIA NOVOVEKU AKO ZDROJ MODERNÉHO CHÁPANIA POLITIKY. KONTEXT MOCI
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The aim of the presented text is to trace, identify and define the modern background to the Western understanding of implementation of political power and the power management of society and to determine their topicality in the current form of policy. In the text we look at the modern axiological, ethical and ideological sources of modern politics, when the power has been analysed in the context of individualism, freedom and citizenship.
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The item includes the research into theory and methodological ways. Take place the regional innovation system. In article take place research the contents of extension of volume authority Ukraine’s regions too.
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Content available remote Kierunki polityki pamieci na Litwie sowieckiej
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Soviet model of narrative on history of Lithuania was shaped during the first decade of the Soviet rule in Lithuania. Later on, elements of pre -soviet, nationalist historiography had been gradually integrated into this model; primarily those which had strong anti -occidental, anti -Christian (anti -Catholic) or anti -Polish connotations. As a result, during the soviet period historical narrative, originated from the turn of 19th and 20th century and built on the paradigm of ethnic nationalism, was consolidated in the historical imagination of the Lithuanian society. Under totalitarian control over public discourse this historical narrative became not only predominant, but also in some way purified, as no alternatives (particularly those accepting Christianity or Western culture) were allowed. Communist regime always tried to use ethnonationalistic symbols for its own legitimization. This tendency was strongest during the late 1980s crisis of the regime. Some Lithuanian Communists were advanced on this path, what made much easier their later integration into political elite of already democratic state after 1990. The soviet regime in Lithuania was much less successful in promoting its vision of Lithuanian history of the 20th century, although from mid 1950s onwards the communists tried to demonstrate the existence of authentic, communist tradition in the country. At the end of 1980s this “tradition” failed to answer new challenges in historical discourse: it could be to some degree reconciled with the condemnation of Stalinist crimes, but it gave no answer to the question of present and historical Lithuanian statehood. Changes on the symbolic map of capital – Vilnius give good insight in the main tendencies of soviet politics of memory. The city was desacralized: secularized cathedral became rather “the temple of arts”, while Vilnius University was deprived of great part of its authentic (mainly Jesuit) history. In official view (expressed in guide and scholarly publications, celebrations of anniversaries etc.) the Gate of Dawn, with the representation of the Virgin Mary in it, was no longer the main symbol of the city. For communist authorities it was rather a tower on the hill – a remnant of pagan grand duke of Lithuania Giediminas’ Castle.
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Regional Research and Innovation Policy in Action - the Efficient Tools for Regional Catching-up in New Member States (Regions of Knowledge - FP6). The regional practices of innovation policy in eight EU member states are presented in case studies, elaborated for one region in each country with South Moravia representing the Czech Republic. South Moravian innovation policy is analyzed in three fundamental dimensions: strategy formation, policy deployment, and practices at the programme level. These are the constituent elements of the process that was defined by the ProAct consortium as so called 'ProAct policy learning cycle'. The benchmark methodology (The ProAct Benchmarking Framework) was applied in the case studies to explore good practices in regional innovation and research policy. In the study, the role of South Moravian Innovation Centre (JIC - Jihomoravske inovacni centrum) is highlighted.
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This article examines the use of evidence for policy-making, with a specfic focus on a policy-support tool called Health Impact Assessment (HIA). This tool aims to health-proof all public policies, at national and local levels. It has gained credence and credibility from supranational and international institutions, such as the European Union and the World Health Organisation. HIA is one of a plethora of instruments used to inform public policy. This research examines whether HIAs were used for the purpose that they were conducted- to inform policy, either directly or indirectly. Institutional theory was used as the analytical lens to examine this phenonomen. This article draws on research from a doctoral study conducted in Ireland, based on empircal evidence from four case studies within the two jurisdications on the island; the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland.
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The article deals with job satisfaction at public professionals who implement public policy and interact with clients on a regular basic. The goal is not based only on general job satisfaction but also on revealing whether job (dis)satisfaction is influenced by policy powerlessness and meaningless which are produced by top-down policy-making without discussion and communication. Particularly, the article deals with job satisfaction at employees of labour offices who have experience with the reform of this institution and who do not have it. Our research is based on interactive approach which include job characteristics, organizational characteristics and personal characteristics, and on theory of policy alienation. Our results of the questionnaire survey (N=1334) indicate that way of policy-making can lead employees to long-term consequences for their feelings and evaluation of job satisfaction.
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With the creation of an independent Czechoslovakia, the main goal of the pre-coup political program of Czech rightist parties was achieved, i.e., creation of an independent national state restoring the tradition of medieval Czech statehood. The Czechoslovak Republic was based on the principles of pluralistic democratic society as formulated in the Washington Declaration. As a result, the main idea of its modern oriented founders was in contradiction to the conservative traditionalistic concept of Czech integral nationalism that entirely rejected the Declaration's principles of postwar open democracy. The Czechoslovak National Democracy was representative of right Czech nationalist and opposed the model of liberal parliament-based democracy, but preferred conservative authoritarian values.
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The study goes into the history of the political weekly 'Fronta' appearing in Prague from 1927 to 1939. The study focuses on the life of the weekly's editor K. Horky. The roots of Horky's 'anti-Castle' positions are traced back to the period of World War I when Horky failed to fully engage in the anti-Habsburg resistance movement led by Masaryk. In 1927, together with the others nationalists and with the agrarian financial support, he established 'Fronta'. Editor K. Horky wrote against the Castle (i.e., the President's policy). In the beginning, 'Fronta' disputed particularly the Liberator Legend and Benes's foreign policy, and struggled for a strong national state. The author appreciates Horky's highly moral positions after the Munich Agreement when he categorically refused to join in 'Fronta' the witch-hunt launched by the right extremists. Shortly after the country's occupation, 'Fronta' ceased to appear. Horky refused to retake his anti-Benes positions and retired from public life. After February 1948, the possibility to publish his views was strongly limited.
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Policies on the threshold of the third Millennium still seem to be reluctant to decide between economic growth and social distribution. In our context a search for proportionating of the micro- and macro- worlds of politics cannot leave out such terms as for example a progress. It is not simple to prove whether objective progress does or does not exist. Even in early times of modernity philosophers knew well that a rational argument cannot be applied because scientific progress reasoning as a rational argument is part of science method. Social sciences deem it fruitful to search for fundamental contradictions when analysing social reality. When studying capitalism we must consider its raison d´être, the never ending capital accumulation. It is not simple to answer to the question why the modernity ideologists were promising what could not be fulfilled, why people believed their promises and why they do not believe them today. Thus the problem of rationality today is influenced by this situation.
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The system of interrelations between the center and the regions in the Soviet Union from the 1920s to the early 1930s is analyzed in the study. Concrete cases are used to describe the development of relations and mutual interactions between the center and the regions in the USSR as well as the factors determining them. The tools used and the attempts made by the center, where the decisive power was concentrating in J. V. Stalin's hands, to centralize state power and limit the influence of Party elite at the regional level are explained. The latter had, however, strong positions in the Central Committee of the Bolshevist Party and were able to enforce the interests of their particular regions, and thus protect and strengthen their own positions within the Party system. It appears that not only geographical factors and insufficient control of the provinces played some role in the development of interrelations between the center and the regions; of great importance was also the ethnic policy and later also, in particular, the start of radical modernization of the country by means of forced collectivization and industrialization. Both of these processes strengthened dramatically Moscow's centralization efforts; on the other hand, however, they created new opportunities for the regional elite to increase their influence and strengthen their positions.
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The results of ontological analysis theoretical and methodological approaches to regional development are represented. Proved that revision of rationalistic theory based on ecologization and up-to-date technologies and management tools lead to creation of brand-new theory of productive forces studies and rationalistic.
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Content available remote Od dyskryminacji do równouprawnienia. Kobieta a polityka
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This article constitutes an attempt at examining the changes in the position of women in the modern society and their current role in political life. Do women – against the general view – fulfill any important functions or is this particular area reserved for men? It is frequently heard that during the last years women have got easier access to various positions. Women do not face any barriers apart from their own weaknesses and lack of self-confidence. Even though the opinions differ, generally it can be stated that discrimination still exists. Even though women manage to enter the world of politics, they are not taken seriously enough. Thus, is it true that the roles they play in their lives are only a matter of choice? Some people believe that the problem is only a matter of stereotypes. Then, what is the sense of efforts aimed at equality of rights? Although the article focuses on the issue of equality, the rights and the general position of women is also presented. The article brings up issues connected with equality of rights – whether one can really maintain that equal chances exist. It also presents a variety of stereotypes and struggles against them, and discusses the presence of contemporary women in the political arena.
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Human Capital Theory has been an increasingly important phenomenon in economic thought over the last 50 years. The central role it affords to education has become even more marked in recent years as the concept of the ‘knowledge economy’ has become a global concern. In this paper, the prevalence of Human Capital Theory within European educational policy discourse is explored. The paper examines a selection of policy documents from a number of disparate European national contexts and considers the extent to which the ideas of Human Capital Theory can be seen to be influential. In the second part of the paper, the implications of Human Capital Theory for education are considered, with a particular focus on the possible ramifications at a time of economic austerity. In problematizing Human Capital Theory, the paper argues that it risks offering a diminished view of the person, a diminished view of education, but that with its sole focus on economic goals leaves room for educationists and others to argue for the educational, social, and moral values it ignores, and for the conception of the good life and good society it fails to mention.
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This article presents the results of research conducted as part of a project of the Czech Ministry of Interior. Its main objective was to explore the risk level of right-wing extremism in the Czech Republic. One of the project's phases was a survey (n = 2056, population of people older than 15 years, probabilistic sampling). Through face-to-face interviews, we discovered that 2.5 % of inhabitants in the Czech Republic go along with the ideas of the ultra-right wing and are also willing to support radical political parties in elections. The percentage of people who support ideas typical for right-wing extremism and moreover are willing to publically support political parties which offer radical solutions (through participation in right-wing demonstrations, or by helping with the organization of their events) reaches 6 %. Our research shows that the main risk (from the point of view of the combat against right-wing extremism) represents the latter group. The research also reveals that the sources of extremism are multiple and that this phenomenon encompasses macro-social as well as micro-social issues. From the macro-social point of view, it is possible to point to influences like unemployment, the level of education, the atmosphere in the society, the individual's ability to integrate and reach his/her goals etc. In the micro-sociological frame of the reference, it was found that extremism is influenced, for example, by satisfaction with family relationships, ability for self-realization, material provision, and the extent of personal experience with minorities and foreigners. Some psychological and socio-psychological factors apply as well (e.g. temperament, stereotypes and prejudices).
EN
The study examines certain elements of the policy of King Charles I concerning towns. The king issued almost 150 charters concerning more than fifty towns between 1310 and 1342. The analysis of these charters leads to the conclusion that during the reign of Charles I of Hungary the practice of donating privileges to the communities of hospes had two types following the pattern developed in the 13th century: some received the totality of privileges (towns), while others were only granted parts of them (free villages). However, it can also be noticed that from the second half of his reign new elements appear in Charles‘s policy. He gave also privileges to settlements owed by landlords, and, at the same time, the notion of a town involved it being fortified more often than before. It is worth noting that Charles I never granted the full privilege of a town to settlements in the north-eastern part of Hungary, in Transylvania or in Slavonia. The reason for this is that these regions formed the three biggest honours of Charles‘s kingdom. The owner received all the royal revenues of the territory of the honour including those of the free villages. It was not in the interest of Charles I, whose system of government relied much on the services of the honours, to decrease the income of the honours.
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The papers´ focus is on the idea of modern technological human enhancement. On one hand it tries therapeutically to correct the biological defects of humans, and intentionally to create and enhance their abilities on the other. The issue is approached from two perspectives: ethical and bio-political. The explorations derive from Habermas ´s analyses of ethical discourse, which have been influenced by new technologies. It is shown in bio-political context based on Foucault´s descriptions of bio-power, that human life, though permanently given attention by political power, has been so far approached mainly from the biological perspective. The biological, however, without being more deeply rooted and socially acknowledged, is often easily misused by totalitarian decision-makers. Important consequences follow from both of these perspectives.
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In recent years, in Ukraine widely discussed range of economic problems related to the solution of the problem of the transition of the economy from export-raw to innovative type of development. The current state innovative development policy has shown that it is oriented to the achievement of foreign countries. However, the current stage of development of the innovative policy of Ukraine has the complex of contradictions and ambiguities. This article is devoted to studying the state innovative policy of Ukraine. The article describes the main approaches to the development of innovation policy in the world. Based on the matrix of the SWOT analysis was selected advantages and disadvantages of national innovative system of Ukraine. The essence of innovative policy of Ukraine founds its main problems and prospects.
EN
This special issue focuses on histories, pedagogies, policies, philosophies and alternative perspectives in early childhood education. Te Whāriki is heralded as the first bicultural curriculum not only in New Zealand, but in the world. Its importance is reflected in national and international research and early childhood discourses. Despite this, there is simultaneous critique of neoliberal policy, globalised practices and public and private investment in early childhood education in this region. Some lessons from New Zealand, of curriculum building, policy implementation, philosophies and sociologies of children and childhood are explored by New Zealand scholars, and focus on these broad New Zealand perspectives of ECE, to address the diverse interests of an international audience.
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In the article genesis of sustainable development concept is examined in intercommunication with the tendencies of globalization of world economy. Much of the attention is paid to the conceptual aspects of sustainable development, priorities and limitations of sustainable development realization in Ukraine. The analysis of strategic documents related to the sustainable territorial development is conducted.
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