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2
Content available Thoughts around the Table
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EN
The tradition of importing oriental horses from the Middle East to Poland dates back to the beginnings of the modern period. The mission undertaken in 1583 by Jakub Podlodowski (1548–1583), King Stephen Bathory’s sub-equerry, is the first widely known project of this type. This paper aims to put in order the existing knowledge on the Podlodowski’s trip of 1583, as well as on his previous trip to Turkey in 1577. Such project seems necessary in view of inconsistencies found in the literature on the subject. The two expeditions to the East deserve much more attention than they have received so far, since the purchase of horses seems to be just an excuse for behind-the-scenes diplomatic talks and intelligence activities forming part of the preparations for the already developed war plans against Turkey.
EN
The travel accounts of Simeon of Poland, an Armenian deacon from Lviv, represent one of the most important works of modern Armenian literature. The work does not just record his journey to the Ottoman Empire in the years 1608–1618, but also frequently very detailed and lively description of the life there, during which the author primarily focuses on the everyday life of the Christian minorities. This travel journal is even supplemented at the end with several period colophons that illustrate the situation in Lviv and its close surroundings in the period between the 1620s and 1630s. The article is derived from textual analysis of the primary source, which was written in one of the forms of medieval Armenian. The events included in it are compared with other primary sources from the same period that originated in the region of Central and Eastern Anatolia (particularly from Armenian chroniclers of the so-called Bitlis School). There is particular emphasis placed on analysis of the conditions affecting the members of the Armenian apostolic community in that period as well as descriptions of their everyday lives and relations with their neighbors.
EN
It is still partially unexplained why, in 16th–17th-century Hungary – as opposed to Western countries – Ottoman history was not processed in an authentic and scholarly way. Why is it that intelligent Western reports of the Ottoman Empire and its history had no echo in Hungary, even though these reports wrote about, and were written to, Hungarians? This paper aims to answer the above questions when discussing Johannes Löwenklau, one of the most excellent 16th-century experts in the Ottomans. First we examine the three main sources used for his Ottoman Histories, all of them related to Hungary. Then we describe the intellectual background of Löwenklau's Chronicles. The two parts of the study off er two diff erent answers to the above question. (1) In the 16th century, Hungary fell apart, so it was impossible to conduct deep studies, although they would have served the country's interests. It is thus not surprising that the learned synthesis of sources of Hungarian origin was made by a German Humanist. (2) Löwenklau was a tolerant, gentle, intellectual member of the Bohemian Brethren. His books paint an alternative image of the Turks, one that does not match the commonplaces on the ancient enemy of Christianity, and one that is also distinct from the "the scourge of God" destined to revenge crimes according to the Wittenberg Reformation. A desire for universal peace clearly appeared in his works, in addition to the confrontation with the Turks and the idea of the Crusade. The ordinary Hungarian audience was averse to this combination of scholarly research and apocalypticism, so it is notsurprising that Hungarian historiography has been largely silent about this great historian of his age.
EN
The Young Turk revolution changed considerably the position of the Great Powers in Istanbul. The unexpected turmoil in the Ottoman Empire caused considerable anxiety in the European capitals – especially in Vienna. From the point of view of Austria-Hungary it imperiled the occupation of the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the Habsburg government. The change of the regime therefore compelled the foreign minister Alois Lexa von Aehrenthal to turn away from the traditional policy of maintaining status quo on the Balkans. However the Austro-Hungarian statesman viewed this situation as an opportunity to a rapprochement with Russia. At the end of summer 1908 he therefore started negotiations with his Russian counterpart Alexander Izvolsky concerning the status of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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For centuries, the Ottoman Empire had an important status in international relations, for which the term ‘the Eastern Question’ is generally used. Its traditional rival, Tsarist Russia, eventually determined the principal objective of its policy regarding Istanbul as controlling the strategic straits of the Bosporus and Dardanelles between the Black and Mediterranean Seas. The First World War provided Russia with further opportunity to pursue its own imperial demands against the Ottoman Empire. Along with its British and French allies, Russia first tried to prevent the Ottoman Empire from joining the war on Germany and Austria-Hungary’s side. At the turn of October and November of 1914, the Ottoman Empire came out in opposition to the Entente. As such, Russia, France and Britain began discussions on dividing out the ‘legacy’ of the Ottoman Empire, during which the often contradictory interests of the Entente powers came into conflict. The Russian Revolution and the outcome of the First World War transformed the original plans of the Middle East’s future in a significant manner.
Studia Slavica
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2013
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tom 17
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nr 2
31-42
EN
The goal of this text is to show an ambivalent role, which Mehmed Pasza Sokoloviæ played in the history of the region, and to describe how this historical person Serbian tradition remembered. Inadequacy between historical facts and transmission within the Serbian culture is depicted in Vladimir Bajac’s novel Hamam Balkanija. Both Sokoloviæ life story (a Slav, who at the end of his life became one of the most influential figures within the Ottoman Empire) and Bajac’s novel may be analyzed adopting the category of a border and related terms. The author in her text focuses on duplicity as the category, which the novel’s author consequently and multi-levelly adopts in the creation. For duplicity characterizes both the main hero’s identity, as well as it is inscribed into the novel’s structure, in which alphabet alternates between Cyrillic and Latin, whereas history interlaces with the present.
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This article deals with analysis of publication of Gülhane noble decree (3 November 1839) which is an eminent event in the modern history of the Ottoman Empire. Promises of sultan Abdülmecid I contained in this document in fact opened the door for a reform period called tanzimat, which is mostly put between years 1839–1876. This article also focuses on earlier attempts of reorganization and modernization of the empire, especially on reforms of sultan Selim III and sultan Mahmut II. Knowledge of these reforms is necessary for understanding the events of 1839. An important part of this article is formed by analysing circumstances of Gülhane decree origins and the English version of its text.
ELPIS
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2016
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tom 18
153-156
PL
W artykule przedstawione są główne założenia polityki Imperium Ottomańskiego w stosunku do mieszkańców Bizancjum. Szczególną wagę zwrócono na sytuację Kościoła prawosławnego, na prawa i przywileje patriarchy. Ukazano ścieżki kariery podbitych greków w państwie osmańskim.
EN
This article presents the Ottoman Empire’s presuppositions regarding its former Byzantine Empire residents. Special attention is given to the Orthodox Church’s situation, and patriarchal rights and privileges. It also depicts the career path of the subdued Greeks in the Ottoman state.
EN
The Bosnian Annexation Crisis was a major diplomatic event of the years 1908 and 1909. The decision of Austria-Hungary to annect the occupied provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina changed a status quo in the Eastern Question. While the crisis threatened the peace in Europe, the press and the European public opinion considerably followed it. The Czech lands were no exeptions – on the contrary the main periodicals brought regular news about the development in this question. They also commented the policy of Vienna government and of the other Great Powers and the Balkan states.
EN
After the end of the Bosnian annexation crisis Austria-Hungary was able to improve its position in the Ottoman Empire. This was enabled not only due to successful negotiations with the Porte which enabled the solution of the crisis, but also by the cautious policy of Vienna during the coup of 13th April in Istanbul. During the second half of 1909 Austria-Hungary was able to considerably improve its relations with the Ottoman Empire. Although Vienna was able to profit from this fact in some cases as a whole the favourable situation was not utilized to improve the stance of the Habsburg monarchy on the Balkans. Since the second half of 1910 the relations of both states were disturbed by the repeated revolts in Albania. The effort of Austria-Hungary to force the Porte to reach some sort of deal with the Albanians was in vain. Moreover in the second half of 1911 the mutual relations of both states were considerably worsened and complicated by the outbreak of the Italo-Ottoman hostilities.
EN
This study is devoted to Soviet foreign policy towards the Ottoman Empire in the year 1918. Following a short survey of contemporary research on these questions, the author focuses upon analysis of the goals that Soviet foreign policy pursued in its relations with the Ottoman Empire in the period studied, and problems implicated in them which it had to face. From this vantage point he then describes steps taken by Soviet Russia in the face of Ottoman expansion in Transcaucasia after the conclusion of the peace treaty of Brest-Litevsk. In his conclusion the author outlines the main causes of the Soviet failure to prevent the aforementioned expansion.
EN
The primary goal of the paper is to put the assistance of Austria and Prussia to the Ottoman military reforms in the 1830s into the context of diplomatic relations within the Eastern Question, and explain why the Sublime Porte asked the two German Powers for their officers, why only the Prussians were finally employed in 1837. Furthermore, the paper also evidences the fact that the collaboration of the two German Powers with Sultan Mahmud II in his reformatory effort must be viewed not only in the diplomatic but also social context and that the changes in the Ottoman army had been attentively observed by Austria’s and Prussia’s diplomats, and Austrian Chancellor Metternich in particular, long before the employment of the two Powers’ officers in the Near East was officially discussed with the Ottoman authorities; the Viennese cabinet had even provided the education of several Ottoman youths in its Technical military academy. The paper is finally intended as a brief contribution to the relations between Central Europe, represented in this case by the two most important members of the German Confederation, and the Ottoman Empire in the 1830s.
EN
This study focuses on one of the members of Friedrich Kreckwitzʼs delegation, Jan Rejchart Štampach of Štampach, who was led to visit Constantinople for personal reasons. After he had discharged his obligations Štampach returned home in early 1592 together with the retinue of orator Bartoloměj Pezzen. In addition to passages in Diadoch by Bartoloměj Paprocký and in the family chronicle, this previously unknown album amicorum is a valuable testament to Štampachʼs journey to Constantinople and his stay there.
PL
Historia franciszkańskiej obecności na Bliskim Wschodzie rozpoczyna się od spotkania św. Franciszka z sułtanem. Tureccy władcy ustanowili swoją stolicę w Konstantynopolu, stąd zrodziła się konieczność stałej obecności franciszkanów nad Bosforem. W okresie panowania Osmanów Stambuł był nie tylko największym islamskim miastem, ale także centrum wspólnoty żydowskiej oraz mniejszości chrześcijańskich. Ich przedstawiciele byli poddani zasadom tzw. milletu. Stolica imperium była także siedzibą patriarchatów orientalnych. Wspólnoty prawosławnych Greków czerpały korzyści z faktu, że ich członkowie byli poddanymi imperium osmańskiego, zdobywając przy tym wiele przywilejów. Rywalizacja o miejsca święte popchnęła te wspólnoty do rozpoczęcia kampanii zniesławiającej franciszkanów, opisywanych jako uzurpatorzy, obcy i nieprzyjaciele imperium tureckiego. Obrona i odzyskiwanie miejsc świętych była zasługą nieustannych i wytrwałych zabiegów ze strony zakonników i Stolicy Apostolskiej. Często zwracano się z prośbą do katolickich władców, aby podejmować dyplomatyczne rozmowy z islamskimi władcami w Konstantynopolu i upominać się o prawa katolików w miejscach świętych. W ten sposób zrodziła się długa tradycja dyplomatyczna w różnych rejonach imperium osmańskiego.
XX
The story of the Franciscan presence in the Middle East began with the encounter between St. Francis and the sultan. The Turkish sultans had their seat in Constantinople and for this reason there was a need for a continued presence of the Franciscans on the banks of the Bosphorus. During the period of Ottoman rule Istanbul was not only that largest Islamic city, but also the center of Jewish and Christian minorities. They were subjected to so-called millet. The capital of the Empire functioned also as the seat of the Oriental Patriarchates. The Greek Orthodox communities, taking advantage of the fact that their members were subjects of the Ottoman Empire, had many privileges. Competition for the possession of the Holy Places led those communities to begin a defamation campaign against the Franciscans, depicting them as usurpers, foreigners and enemies of the Turkish Empire. The defense and recovery of the Holy Places were due to the laborious action undertaken by the Franciscans and the Holy See. They asked Catholic rulers to begin diplomatic work with the Muslim sultans of Constantinople for the defence of Catholic rights in the Holy Places. This is a long tradition marked by diplomacy in various regions belonging to the Ottoman Empire.
EN
Planinica — a hill situated on the edge of a vast mountain range delimited to the south-east by the Zeta Plain. It is a part of historical region known as Malesija inhabited mainly by the Albanians. During the field research on Planinica in 2012–2013 a group of stone structures was documented. It consists of circular stone tower surrounded by quadrilateral wall, several small enclosures of trapezoid or pentagonal plan and a network of roads leading to the top of the hill. The arrangement of the buildings indicates that the most likely function was military. They can be described as an observatory tower surrounded by small auxiliary forts. The complex of stone structures on Planinica was most probably built by the Turks after 1878 as a part of system of fortifications guarding newly established Turkish-Montenegrin border. The border survived until the Balkan War in 1912. After that Planinica was no longer been a point of military interest and the forts on its top have undergone progressive destruction. The stone structures on Planinica are not mentioned either in archaeological or historical publications in Montenegro, except the watchtower, which is interpreted as a prehistoric burial mound destroyed by the Turks. The buildings on Planinica hill remain “in the shadow” of the prehistoric stone tumuli, which represent a positively valorised, very distant past.
EN
The initial traces of mutual relations between Paris and Ankara date back to the 16th century. During the Ottoman Empire, bilateral relations between the Empires flourished in terms of economic relations where France enjoyed capitulations. The French-Turkish relations encompass both alliances and wars. Currently there exist serious dissidences in terms of democracy, human rights and freedom issues. Apart from that Paris’s opposition of Turkey’s future full European Union membership blocking five chapters and accepting genocide claims against the so-called Armenian genocide, Turkey’s Kurdish question constitute a huge obstacle for the future development of French-Turkish relations.
PL
Pierwsze ślady wzajemnych stosunków między Paryżem i Ankarą prowadzą do XVI wieku. W czasach Imperium Osmańskiego stosunki dwustronne między imperiami kwitły w sensie stosunków gospodarczych, gdy Francja korzystała z kapitulacji osmańskich. Stosunki francusko-tureckie obejmują zarówno alianse, jak i wojny. Obecnie istnieją poważne rozbieżności, jeżeli chodzi o kwestie demokracji, praw człowieka i swobód. Poza tym sprzeciw Paryża wobec przyszłego pełnego członkostwa Turcji w Unii Europejskiej, blokujący pięć rozdziałów [Traktatu] i akceptujący uznanie kwestii tzw. ludobójstwa Ormian, kwestia Kurdów tureckich, stanowią ogromną przeszkodę dla przyszłego rozwoju stosunków francusko-tureckich.
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This paper attempts to offer a different assessment of Austrian Chancellor Metternich’s role in the Eastern Question as well as the diplomatic concert to the one generally held. Additionally, it refutes the widely held fallacy that at the wellknown meeting in Münchengrätz in September 1833, Metternich acceded to Nicholas I’s interests in the East in return for his support against the revolutions in the West, particularly in the Apennines. The paper tries to prove that Metternich did not fear Russian policy towards the Ottoman Empire in the early 1830s and no Austro-Russian quid pro quo was agreed upon in Münchengrätz because both countries’ interests in the East and West were identical: the maintenance of the Ottoman Empire and the fight against revolutionary movements. Consequently, Austria and Russia supported each other in both these matters because it was in their mutual interest to do so. By providing relevant evidence, the paper also demonstrates that the Eastern Question concerned not only the Balkans, but also other parts of the Ottoman Empire including, for example, Egypt, and this comprised an important agenda within Metternich’s foreign policy.
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