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nr 26/2
5-23
XX
The consonantal spellings of Old English (OE) were significantly influenced by the consonantal spellings of Old Irish (OI). 1) vs. (post-vocalic) : though OE did not have a distinction between /θ/ and /ð/, OI did, spelling this as vs. (postvocalic) . 2) vs. : though OE did not have a distinction between /h/ and /x/, OI did, spelling the latter as . 3) and : both spellings appear to be from Irish. 4) : spellings of the “mixed voice” type, including “cg”, occur in OI, where they can spell either single or geminate voiced plosives. 5) (and ): almost certainly in final position in OE represent singles, not geminates, as they can in OI. 6) Spelling rules referring to post-vocalic position: all cases show OE spelling having had, like OI spelling, rules referring to post-vocalic position, which appear to be additionally evidenced by “illogical doubling” in Northumbrian. 7) The meaning of before front Vs: in OE spelling as in OI spelling, but not as in Roman Latin spelling, before front Vs spells a palatal approximant rather than a palatal affricate. The overall conclusion is that the OE spelling system was developed by Irish missionary linguists.
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nr 4
471-493
EN
This paper aims to provide an account of Old English similes of equality marked by the superlative degree of the adjective gelic. It deals with the structure and semantics of similes marked by the (ge)/(on)licost component, which, unlike in Modern English, being subjected to gradation, can show the highest degree of similarity between referents. The article presents the criteria for structural classification of the simile in question describing two major structural types, that employ nouns in the dative or nominative case, as well as its semantic interpretation from macro and micro levels of perspective. The paper examines every simile with the (ge)/(on)licost component found in Old English manuscripts belonging to various textual genres.
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nr 3
29-41
EN
In its post-Norman Conquest development the Old English first person personal pronoun ic underwent transformations which, following the loss of the consonant, finally yielded the contemporary capitalised form I, contrasting with other Germanic languages, which retain a velar sound in the corresponding pronoun. The rather complex change of ich to I involves a loss of the final velar/palatal consonant, lengthening of the original short vowel, and capitalisation of the pronoun. It is argued here that the use of the capital letter was a consequence of vowel lengthening subsequent to the loss of the consonant. This seems to be confirmed by the observation that forms retaining a consonant are extremely rarely capitalised. The data adduced in the present paper will help verify as precisely as possible the distribution of the forms of that pronoun in Middle English dialects in order to determine to what extent the changes were functionally interdependent. The evidence comes from the Innsbruck Corpus of Middle English Prose.
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