This paper is dedicated to a theoretical determination of the limits of secular social communication in Orthodoxy as a representative form of Christian rationality. The nature of the Orthodox faith allows us to expect that problem of social communication in Orthodoxy occurs from Orthodox rationality, and communicative limits are determined by canonical positions. From the standpoint of internalistic approach to the problem of the social participation, Orthodoxy finds the abruption between social and spiritual activity.
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There are multiple factors that had a certain influence on position of the Byzantine rite Christians in the Hungarian kingdom during the Vlach colonisation (the 14th – 17th centuries). In the paper the author attempts to describe position of Eastern Christians in both ecclesiastical and profane spheres of life, how they were treated by the king, their landlords, the Latin Church officials and eventually the pope himself in a period of time since they were first mentioned in the written sources until the time when a part of the Byzantine rite clergy recognised an act of subordination to the Latin clergy and thus entered a union with the pope. During this process a number of adherents of the Eastern “branch” of Christianity noticeably increased and so did a royal need for their services as the protectors of the borders.
This article analyses selected issues related to the phenomenon of the so-called weeping icons in Orthodoxy from the perspective of cultural anthropology. In this part it portrays the regions of the Orthodox world that host the weeping icons, as well as the main themes and motifs associated with the subject of the “weeping persons” on icons (Mother of God, Christ, saints, monks and politicians), hierotopy and the time of weeping. The research carried out while interpreting the beliefs related to the origin of weeping, presents their historical consistency in the collective memory of Orthodoxy, as well as its contemporary transformation. The study involves qualitative methods of research. Selected examples of weeping icons in historical and ethnographic sources from various ages and Orthodox countries were subjected to comparative analysis. Contemporary beliefs referring to weeping icons were also exposed to qualitative research – I conducted interviews with the Orthodox Church believers as well as residents of the places hosting weeping icons (Romania, Poland, Ukraine, Eastern Slovakia) and engaged in participant observation (Greece and Macedonia). The research also included internet research – the narration of the new media on weeping icons was analysed, including blogs and web portals. The analysis employed the use of interpretivist paradigm facilitating the research of hidden meanings and cultural codes connected to the representations of Orthodox believers on the weeping icons.
In 1845-1848, the movement from the Lutheran Church to the Russian Orthodox Church took place in all the southern Estonian counties and about 17% of the peasants in southern Estonia converted to Orthodoxy. Until then, Orthodoxy was mainly the religion of the local Russians and Seto (Setu) people, and remained influential among the poluverniks of eastern Estonia, the Russians who were officially Lutheran but followed many Orthodox rites (including partially Estonianised Russians). The article gives an overview of the spread of Orthodoxy in the current Estonian territory and in Setomaa from the 11th century until 1845, focusing on the establishment of different Russian Orthodox churches and chapels (including the Seto tsassons). The Russian Old Believers, who settled in Estonia at the end of the 17th century are not dealt with in detail in this article. Orthodoxy is probably the most ancient form of Christianity to arrive in Estonia, during the 11th century. Some of the local Finno-Ugric people were baptised into Orthodoxy during the 11th-12th centuries, before the crusades of the Roman Catholic Church; it is also possible that the first Christian church in Estonia was founded by the Russian conquerors in Tartu (Yuryev) in the 11th century. The oldest surviving, although extensively reconstructed, Orthodox churches are to be found in Setomaa, and they date back to the 14th century. The oldest wooden sacral buildings in mainland Estonia are the Mikitamae and Uusvada tsassons (Seto village chapels), built in the last decade of the 17th century. The Orthodox sacral buildings also include the oldest surviving wooden church in Tallinn - the Kazan Church (1721). By the end of the Swedish period, the church of St. Nikolay (St. Nicholas) in Tallinn was the only active Orthodox church in Estonia (excluding Setomaa), but the gatherings around the Orthodox chapels in present-day East Viru County continued during the reign of Lutheran Sweden, especially crowded meetings were held around the Puhtitsa chapel. After the Great Northern War and incorporation into Russia, new Orthodox churches were erected in all the bigger towns in Estonia (first in 1721), as well as in many smaller places in eastern Estonia (e.g. Rapina, Nina, Mustvee and Vasknarva). Until the 1840s, the Orthodox churches were mostly built for Russians. However, many Estonians had had contacts with Orthodoxy for centuries before the 1840s, particularly in eastern Estonia and in some bigger towns.
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This essay deals with the characteristics, aims and methods of contemporary teaching of religion and catechesis in the Czech Republic in the context of religious, moral-value and political orientation of the teachers of religion and the catechists. An important part of the present essay is the evaluation of the exploratory research done in the framework of the TRES European Socrates project. From the evaluation of this research above all emerges a clear contradiction. It is the contradiction between the religious situation of the contemporary Czech society and the mono-religious way of teaching which to a great extent is influenced by the orthodox attitudes of the teachers.
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