Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Nacjonalizmy Wschodnioeuropejskie

100%

Dalos G.

Przegląd Zachodni

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1995

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nr nr 1

69-74

XX

Autor analizuje upadek komunizmu oraz przedstawia przyczyny obecnych konfliktów w krajach byłego Związku Radzieckiego. Jego zdaniem przyczyną wojen są stare nacjonalizmy, które zostały zaktualizowane w warunkach postkomunistycznego chaosu.

2

Naród, rodzina, męskość: literackie wizje czeskiego patrioty w XIX w.

80%

Filipowicz M.

Pamiętnik Słowiański

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2012

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tom 62

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nr 1-2

43-58

EN

It is the aim of this article to examine the relations between the conception of masculine bourgeois family life and Czech nationalism. This conception can be reconstructed on the basis of Czech literary production of the middle of nineteenth century. This research focuses on the period in which fundamental changes were taking place in European thinking on gender order also within family life. The article attempts to prove that this literary production was convincing the male readers that there was no possibility to combine being a family man and being a good Czech patriot.

3

Volby a národní politické reprezentace v Českých zemích 1848/1861–1918

80%

Hlavačka M.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2009

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tom 1

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nr 1

9-23

EN

After 1848 the inhabitants of three core Bohemian Crown Lands voted for several representative bodies. In 1848 deputies of the Reichstag in Vienna were elected, as well as deputies of the Bohemian Diet in Prague, of the Moravian Diet in Brno and of the broadened Silesian Convent in Opava. Following 1861, i.e. after the revival of constitutionality, renewed elections were held for the Bohemian, as well as for the Moravian and Silesian Diets, and after 1873 even for the Reichstag in Vienna. After 1849, or better to say after 1864, when the new electoral code for the local self-governments came into effect, other local elections were held, which were supplemented in Bohemia with other elections for the district governments. Except of that, following the year 1850 the businessmen, industrialists and tradesmen voted for the Chambers of Commerce with their residence in Prague, Pilsen, Česke Budějovice, Liberec, Cheb, Brno, Olomouc and Opava. The aim of the study is to confront the election results with the ethnical affiliation and to rethink the question, to what extent the different electoral codes could have influenced the political and national split in Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia prior to the World War I.

4

Dyskusja z konstruktywistyczną teorią narodu jako spór pozorny: przypadek Miroslava Hrocha

80%

Kilias J.

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2001

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nr nr 3

99-113

XX

Artykuł poświęcono współczesnej dyskusji dotyczącej pochodzenia nowoczesnych narodów. Wskazano na źródła sporu oraz polemikę toczoną przez antropologa Ernesta Gellnera z historykiem Miroslavem Hrochem.

EN

The article refers to the modern discussion related to the origin of modern nations. It points out sources of dispute and polemic between anthropologist Ernest Gellner and historian Miroslav Hroch. (A.Ł.)

5

Za samostatný český stát. Fenomén České strany státoprávně pokrokové (1908–1914)

80%

Tomeš J.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2009

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tom 1

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nr 2

23 – 62

EN

The study summarizes the history of the Czech Constitutional Progressive Party, a special voice of the radical Czech nationalism at the beginning of the 20th century. It was the first political party, which incorporated the idea of an independent Czech state outside the framework of Austria-Hungary, counted with the international solution of the Czech question, and stood in the forefront of domestic and foreign resistance during the World War I.

6

Wpływ idei nacjonalistycznych na środkowoeuropejską prahistorię

80%

Kurnatowski S. , Kurnatowska Z.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2004

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nr nr 3

21-34

XX

Autorzy rozpoczynają artykuł wprowadzeniem konceptu etniczności i zwracają uwagę na dwa aspekty etniczności, które są używane we współczesnej nauce: etniczność postrzegana jako kulturalny bądź polityczny fenomen. Etniczność rozumiana jako polityczny koncept, uważana przez autorów za nieuprawnione stanowisko, była przyczyną powstania nacjonalizmu, który stopniowo osiągał momentum w Europie od 17-tego wieku, i od 19-tego wieku zaczął wywierać znaczący wpływ na nauki humanistyczne. Prehistoria, dyscyplina, która powstała w 19-tym wieku, zadoptowała teorie i zagadnienia rozwinięte przez inne nauki. Szczególnie uwidoczniło się to zjawisko w niemieckich i polskich prehistorycznych studiach. Ponadto, archeologia ze swoimi " niemymi źródłami" stała się dla wielu dyscyplin nauki wygodnym zestawem argumentów, które wspierały każdą wybraną sytuację z przeszłości. To prowadziło do wysoce niefortunnego konglomeratu współzależności, które były nieweryfikowalne i zbudowane na metodologicznym nieporozumieniu, a zagrzewane patriotycznymi emocjami - z jednej strony niemieckimi, z drugiej polskimi. Argumentacja obu stron debaty była później użyta w radykalizujacej się wersji przez polityczną propagandę.

EN

The authors started by introducing the concept of ethnicity, and draw attention to its two variants that function in contemporary science, where ethnicity is either conceived as a cultural or political phenomenon. The latter standpoint, which the authors consider to be unjustified, gave rise to nationalism that gradually gained momentum in Europe from the 17th century onwards, and since the 19th century began to exert significant influence on the orientation of the humanities. Prehistory, a discipline that emerged only in the 1th century, adopted the theories and aspects of assessing phenomena developed by other sciences. This was particularly true of German and Polish prehistoric studies. Moreover, archaeology with its "mute sources" became for various disciplines a suitable stock of arguments to support any chosen ethnic situation from the past. This led to a highly unfortunate conglomeration of interdependences that were unverifiable and based on a methodological misunderstanding, but fuelled by patriotic feelings - German on the one hand, and Polish on the other. The arguments of the parties to the debate was later used in a radicalised version by political propaganda.

7

Partie nacjonalistyczne w Hiszpanii a kwestia tożsamości narodowych

80%

Sroka A.

Przegląd Europejski

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2008

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nr nr 2

114-139

XX

W niniejszym artykule zostanie dokonana próba uchwycenia relacji między oczekiwaniami społecznymi w kwestii ustroju terytorialnego a postulatami partii politycznych w tej materii. (fragment tekstu)

EN

The gradual federalization of the Spanish territorial model introduced in the last decade involved no opposition from the Spanish public; on the contrary, within the last couple of years the support for the current territorial structure has grown. In this very context of the deepening federalization of the Spanish state and the positive results of studies of the federal system one question comes to mind: what is the origin of the recent problems with the legitimation of the system of autonomous communities and the undermining of its foundations? Both issues, no doubt, are linked to the problem of national identity and the existence of nationalist parties. By comparing together the results of the questionnaires and elections results as well as political party programs the author tries to establish the following: What is the relationship between social expectations of the territorial system and political party agendas; also, to what extent can a regional party be the answer to the existing division "the center-peripheries"; and finally, are there any other conflicts on this level? (original abstract)

8

The Determination of Nationality in Selected European Countries up to 1938

80%

Gawrecki D.

Prager wirtschafts- und sozialhistorische Mitteilungen - Prague Economic and Social History Papers

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2015

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tom 22

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nr 2

27-54

EN

Assessment of the census routine in Cisleithania and after 1918 also in Czechoslovakia requires a comparison with census routines in neighbouring countries. Nationality assessments have been always accompanied by controversies that became a part of a political fight and their results have been often impugned. The study sums up opinions as for relevance and trustworthiness of census routines as they were demonstrated at the time of censuses and also later in journalisms and historiography. The greatest attention has been paid to a situation in Germany and Poland due to a numerous German and Polish minority in the Czechoslovak Republic and also due to the fact that in these countries it was mainly the language that was perceived as the main criterion of the nationality and the nationality did not use to be associated with the state citizenship. We can follow how, gradually, in particular historical conditions the very notion of the nationality was being changed together with criteria perceived as the background of the nationality assessment. Various controversial disproportions, as it seems, were much more evident in Poland or Germany than in Cisleithania or in the interwar Czechoslovakia. Nevertheless, it has also turned out that applying of central standpoints upon the situation in much more distant regions would be always precarious, which does not concern the census category only.

9

Eurazjatyzm a Unia Europejska : Religijny aspekt idei Wielkiej Rusi

80%

Kwiecień M.

Człowiek i Społeczeństwo / Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

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2004

|

tom 23 Współczesna Europa w procesie integracji

93-101

XX

Relacje Rosji i Unii Europejskiej wyraża pogląd, iż są to organizmy sobie obce, a wręcz wrogie. Twierdzenie to sformułował Mikołaj Danilewski u schyłku XIX wieku. Sytuacja ta sprzyja odżywaniu w społeczeństwie rosyjskim po upadku ZSRR idei Eurazjatyzmu. Szczególne znaczenie dla tej idei ma prawosławie.

10

“Whose realm, his law”. The Austrian Repression of Italian Nationalist Movement under the Reign of Francis I (1815–1835)

80%

Chvojka M.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2015

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tom 5

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nr 2

43-74

EN

This study deals with the Italian question in the Habsburg Monarchy between 1815 and 1835 in terms of the Austrian political and police sources. In the introduction, the author points out the shortcomings of the newly acquired Austrian Italian territories Lombardy and Venetia as well as the measures seeking to suppress nationalism, constitutionalism and jacobinism there. Since the Austrian authorities had not considered the incorporation process by far as concluded, the nature of the documents mentioned above follow the line of strict surveillance and threat identification, investigation, arrest and repression. In the last section, the attention is being paid to various questions concerning the incarceration of Carbonari at the notorious Moravian prison fortress Spielberg, e. g., the way of their treatment, medical care or spiritual control.

11

Problematika jmenování a postavení biskupů německé národnosti v českých diecézích pohledem Svatého stolce

70%

Jonová J.

Studia theologica

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2014

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tom 3

133-147

EN

An the time of the Habsburg Monarchy, the government in Vienna had a preference for candidates of German nationality for the Archbishop‘s sees. The situation changed significantly after the year 1918. It was acknowledged by the Holy See that believers of German origin had become a minority in Czech dioceses. They were not an insignificant minority, however, and consequently the Holy See continued to appoint German bishops as well. There was a German suffragan bishop in Prague, and a residential bishop of German nationality in the Diocese of Litomerice. In both cases, acceptance on the part of Czech believers (and government) was an important aspect in the process of choosing the German bishop. While in the Prague archdiocese, it proved appropriate to appoint a German auxiliary bishop (Remiger) for specifically the German believers, in Litoměřice, the appointed German bishop Weber demonstrated that due to his popularity and language skills, the issue of appointing an Auxiliary Bishop of Czech nationality was irrelevant.

12

The Pan-German League at the End of the 19th Century

70%

Urban M.

Prague Papers on the History of International Relations

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2016

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nr 1

60-71

EN

The Pan-Garman League was established as a pressure group of German nationalists and “defenders of national interests” in the consequence of the release of the Heligoland-Zanzibar Treaty in 1890. Its founder and an important member was Alfred Hugenberg, who managed to gain support and cooperation of existing nationalist and colonial societies in Germany. The Pan-German League (Alldeutscher Verband) was established owing to the Hugenberg’s activity in 1891. Although, the colonial policy of Germany was its first primary issue, its interest gradually started to shift towards the Central Europe. The membership of the League was comprised not only of university professors, teachers, clergymen, doctors of medicine, office workers or army officers, but also of important politicians or industrialists. The activity of the League was concentrated primarily on the strengthening of German nationalist ideas in the internal politics of German Empire and the support of the spreading of German cultural influence abroad. The league’s core ideology was a conviction of the German nation’s exclusive mission, right and duty to build a strong Central European and colonial power. To this end, it pursued an aggressive and confident expansionist policy, demanded the broadening of its colonial domination in the world, and promoted the building of a strong navy and other measures which were meant to secure the German Empire a place amongst the great powers of the world.

13

From black hole to the pearl of the Mediterranean: a new idea of nation for independent Montenegro

70%

Violante A.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2015

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nr 1(31/2)

81-92

EN

After the separation from Serbia following a referendum in 2006, the Republic of Montenegro started rebuilding its international image by reinventing its past and present. In fact, through an extensive campaign in both foreign and domestic media, the government attempted to change the perception of Montenegro’s history, focusing especially on the difference between Serbs and Montenegrins. This is understandable considering the minimal numeric superiority of those in favour of the independence, where the national factor was the main determinant. The image of the new Montenegrins, also in light of Montenegro’s route to joining the EU, must be detached from Serbia’s problems (– such as Kosovo) and must divert attention from the ever‑growing problem of international criminal traffic. One of the most emblematic examples of such recreation of virtue are the commercials for Montenegrin tourism, inviting to explore ancient forests, enjoy traditional food and experience “Montenegrin hospitality”: the aim is to send a positive message of non‑nationalistic, Europe‑friendly ethnicity. The purpose is also for Montenegro to be perceived as serene, as opposed to the ex‑partner country, seen largely as wildly nationalistic and ethnically obsessed: therefore, a new form of “soft” ethno‑cultural image has been introduced, incorporating only the best and cleverly minimizing the “non‑acceptable” aspects of its culture and history.

14

« Comme les orties dans le jardin, comme les aigremoines dans la crinière des chevaux...» Les conflits entre Tchèques et Allemands en Bohême au 14e et au début du 15e siècle

70%

Nejedlý M.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2012

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tom 2

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nr 1

41–71

EN

Medieval sources speak, particularly from the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 14th centuries onwards, of conflicts between Czechs and Germans. Facing competition from German colonization and newly founded towns, usually controlled by the German patriciate, the Czech aristocracy resorted to what could be labelled national or nationalist argumentation. The aristocracy would commission literary works in Czech that used the concept of language as a synonym for nation. In such works, Germans were considered mere “guests” in a land that “naturally” belonged to the Czechs. At the beginning of the 15th century, these national tensions intensified both in towns and at the university in Prague, among others in connection with the emerging reform movement, and there arose the need of a narrower definition of the Czech nation, going beyond the criterion of language.

15

New Horizons from Prague to Bucharest: Ethnonational Stereotypes and Regionalist Self-Perceptions in Interwar Slovakia and Transylvania

70%

Egry G.

Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)

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2016

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tom 8

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nr 2

47-58

EN

The paper outlines how the portrayal of “us” and “them” changed during the interwar period in the relational web from Prague to Bucharest. The collapse of the Monarchy had shaken some of the foundations of national self-perceptions and brought to the fore hitherto insignificant groups either as active protagonists of politics of identity or as significant others. Nevertheless, the old representations of each other had changed less markedly. The real novelty of the period was that the appearance of Hungarian minorities and their politics of identity enabled the creation of some temporary group constructs that transcended traditional ethnic boundaries and redefined ethnicity on a more region-centred basis

16

The Birth of Czech Nationalist Activism in Reichenberg (Liberec) and its Conflicts with the City Hall (with a focus on the conflict during the 1890 census)

70%

Kladiwa P.

Prager wirtschafts- und sozialhistorische Mitteilungen - Prague Economic and Social History Papers

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2015

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tom 22

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nr 2

7-26

EN

This study focuses on nationalist agitators and municipal politicians in the North Bohemian city of Reichenberg (now Liberec) during the period of nationalist political struggles before WWI. It explores — on the example of the record of the language of daily use in 1891 census and other conflicts between German and Czech activists — the ways in which the discourse of the political elites became nationalized — though this hardly reflects the intensity with which people were committed to national issues in their everyday lives. The intensification of the conflicts in Reichenberg is not regarded as a sign of the weakness of civil society, but rather of its growing strength. In the days when the Czech-speaking community in Reichenberg occupied an entirely inferior status, there was no friction between it and the majority German community. The friction came about when the Czech-speaking middle classes gained in strength and influence, and began to engage in nationalist agitation — which was confrontational in nature. The hostile response from the city authorities was essentially a symptom of a struggle for the symbolic occupation of public space. The response adopted by the Reichenberg City Hall (which was similar to other “German” authorities in ethnically mixed towns and cities in the Bohemian lands) was very hard, which to some degree explains (though it does not excuse) the highly confrontational approach taken by the independent Czechoslovak state towards its German citizens in the immediate post-war years.

17

Historiografie hladomoru na Ukrajině v letech 1932–1933. Odraz ukrajinské tragédie v sovětské a západní historiografii v době studené války jako zdroj pro porozumění kontroverzní diskusi o hladomoru v současné historické debatě

60%

Tumis S.

Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)

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2016

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tom 8

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nr 2

118-129

EN

The subject matter of this study is an effort to understand how the research on famine in the Western and Eastern milieu in times of the Cold War has influenced the current debate as the topic of famine has become part of the worldwide discussion. It helped to form two general paradigms of famine interpretations which can be entitled Ukrainian/Western model and Soviet/Russian model.

18

Demokratyczna Hiszpania w Europie

60%

Górski E.

Studia Europejskie / Centrum Europejskie Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego

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2010

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nr nr 2

63-88

XX

Od czasu przywrócenia demokracji zaczęto lansować pojęcie "nowej Hiszpanii", dumnej ze swego pokojowego, udanego przejścia do nowej rzeczywistości społeczno-politycznej. Odtąd Hiszpania zwracała znacznie więcej uwagi na zachodnią Europę niż na Hispanoamerykę i inne regiony świata. Już tylko w zachodniej Europie poszukiwano miary upragnionej "normalności", chociaż wielu autorów wzdragało się przed prostym sprowadzaniem Hiszpanii do banalnego euromodelu jako ostatecznym celem. Za Pirenejami upowszechniła się świadomość, że od Europy można wiele się nauczyć, ale i Europa jest pewnym problemem, pojawiła się bowiem kwestia swoistego jej partykularyzmu i sensu europeizmu w warunkach globalizacji. (fragment artykułu)

EN

After Spain's relatively peaceful and very successful transition to democracy, we have witnessed the emergence of concepts about new Spain and new Spaniards. At the same time, Spanish people, citizens and elites of that society, have begun to search for a new political model and for "normalcy" only in Western European countries. The triumphal entrance into the European Communities has considerably sped up the development of Spanish economy and society, contributing to consolidation of democracy in that country and substantially favouring solution of traditional "problem of Spain". Both socialist and conservative parties have made successful efforts to modernise the country during their rules. The Spanish Constitution from 1978 recognised "nationalities" within the Spanish State, paving way for the establishment of pluralistic State of autonomous communities and regions. However, the question of relations between central authorities in Madrid and its regional autonomous governments remains very unclear causing political tensions and even provoking to terrorist attacks. New problems with political stability have emerged especially during the radically secular and clearly pro-European regime of Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero. (original abstract)

19

Perspektywy nowego nacjonalizmu w zjednoczonych Niemczech

60%

Halfmann J.

Monografie i Opracowania / Szkoła Główna Handlowa

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1994

|

nr nr 389 Migracje - mniejszości - nacjonalizm : problemy teoretyczne i realia społeczne

35-45

XX

Autor przedstawił krótki zarys historii nacjonalizmu niemieckiego, oraz współczesną wersję tego, ideologiczno-politycznego, zjawiska.

20

Nacjonalizm we współczesnej Europie : Wybrane postacie

60%

Drozdowicz J.

Człowiek i Społeczeństwo / Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu. Wydział Nauk Społecznych

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2004

|

tom 23 Współczesna Europa w procesie integracji

25-40

XX

Zaprezentowano charakter współczesnego nacjonalizmu. Przedstawiono historyczną analizę postaw nacjonalistycznych w Anglii, Szkocji, Walii, Francji, Belgii. Szczególna uwaga została poświęcona nacjonalizmowi niemieckiemu, oraz nurtom nacjonalistycznym Europy Wschodniej.