Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Dobre sąsiedztwo potwierdzone indygenatem – trzy przypadki hospodarów mołdawskich w XVII w.

100%

Milewski D.

Saeculum Christianum. Pismo Historyczne

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2015

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tom 22

108-129

EN

Moldavia in modern age – especially in 16th and 17th centuries – being a tributary to the Ottoman Empire – still caught Polish attention. Both Poles and Turks considered Moldavia as a buffer which needed their attention. Such a situation allowed more ambitious hospodars to balance and keep as large an autonomy as it possibly could. Although Moldavian hospodars had to obey to the Porte, they often kept close diplomatic and even military relationships with Poland. Giving Polish indigenous to hospodars was a good way to keep them in obedience to Poland. This honour was given – among the others – to Miron Barnovski, Vasile Lupu and Gheorghe Ştefan. All these hospodars – although they fought against each other – saw in Poland a guarantor of their power. This article discusses the policy of these hospodars toward Poland and focuses on the circumstances of giving Polish indigenous to these rulers. The article also signals some historical principles ruling the actions of Poles, Moldavian and Turks in this difficult period.

2

Legal substratum and social conditions of dissolution of marriage in Moldavia: comparative study (14th–17th centuries)

100%

Zabolotnaia L.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

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2022

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tom 29

101-116

EN

The main objective of the study is to show the specifics and features of the social phenomenon of divorce in medieval Moldavia. Divorce was known in all civilizations, however, in the context of European history, both common and specific features were observed in the Principality of Moldavia. The study of documentary historical, legal and act material of the era, notes and information of Catholic missionaries shows that in the Principality of Moldavia not only men, but also women had the right to divorce and remarry. Moldavian women could and had the right to initiate a divorce.

3

Polityka Kiszyniowa wobec diaspory mołdawskiej w kontekście wojny hybrydowej na Ukrainie

100%

Szyszlak T.

Wschodnioznawstwo

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2017

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nr 11

285-298

EN

The article presents the phenomenon of the Moldovan diaspora, indicating the „old diaspora” to the countries of the former USSR, as well as the „new emigration”, mainly to the European Union. Attention was focused on Kishinev’s policy towards emigration, above all in the institutional and legal context. Relations were related to changes in policy in the context of the hybrid war in Ukraine.

4

Wasale, trybutariusze, sojusznicy. Charakter relacji państw bałkańskich z Turcją osmańską w XIV wieku

88%

Czamańska I.

Slavia Meridionalis

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2011

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tom 11

EN

Vassals, tributaries, allies. The nature of the relations of the Balkan states with the Ottoman Turkey in the 14th centuryIn the second half of the fourteenth century, more than twenty political bodies functioned in Balkans, which were more or less independent, often in conflicts with each other, joining into leagues and alliances.The Ottomans were a valuable ally, with which the Balkan rulers came in close political and military relationships. The study of evolution and the nature of these relations meets serious difficulties due to lack of surviving documents, defining the nature of bilateral relations of the Ottomans with particular Balkan states, while other sources, usually from a later period, are not very precise. The difficulties of interpretation concern such fundamental matters as the chronology of Turkish conquests, conflicts and peace agreements. However, the analysis of preserved source material leads to the following conclusions:1. Subordination of the Balkan countries by the Ottomans was a long-term process, and their relationships with the Balkan states were diverse in nature.2. Payment of the tribute for the benefit of the Turks could, but did not have to mean the entry into vassal relations, however gave an evidence about the entry into peaceful relations.3. Orhan, Murad I and Bajezid I were satisfied on the territory of Europe with the establishment of the allied, tributary relationships and over the time with the strengthening of own vassal position. However, at the end of the fourteenth century, all the Balkan states were at some stage of such relations, mostly on the last of them.4. Entry into close, family relations with the ruling sultan meant usually a close political and military cooperation. Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian wives of the sultans had the right to remain in the Christian faith and often exerted a strong political influence. The support and protection of the closest relatives of the wife was fulfilled by the Turkish rulers. Thanks to it, for example Serbia of Stefan Lazarević was essentially strengthened, becoming at the same time the most serious support of Bajezid I in the Balkans.

5

Pobyt metropolity mołdawskiego Dozyteusza w Żółkwi w latach 1686-1693, spadek po nim oraz sprawa kultu św. Jana Nowego (Suczawskiego) do końca XVIII wieku

88%

Pietrzak J.

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tom 26

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nr 1

82-101

EN

Jarosław Pietrzak – absolwent Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, doktor nauk humanistycznych w zakresie historii, adiunkt w Katedrze Historii Nowożytnej (Instytut Historii i Archiwistyki Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie). Autor książki pt. Księżna dobrodziejka. Katarzyna z Sobieskich Radziwiłłowa (1634-1694) – życie i działalność (Warszawa 2016). Współpracownik Muzeum Pałacu Króla Jana III w Wilanowie, stypendysta Fundacji Lanckorońskich z Brzezia.

6

Stefan IV Młody- nieznana karta z dziejów relacji polsko-mołdawskich w XVI wieku

88%

Kozieł P.

Saeculum Christianum. Pismo Historyczne

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2017

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tom XXIV

106-118

EN

This Article is devoted to Polish-Moldavian relations during the reign of Stephen IV of Moldavia. This theme played out in the Polish historiography in a completely marginal role. In the studies we find only a brief mention of this ruler. Meanwhile, his reign fell on hard times during Turkish expansion in the Balkans and Moldova barely defended the remnants of a self independence. For Poland, this region played a key role against the threat of Tatars and in the context of the Black Sea trade. That is why King Sigismund the Old wanted to keep its influence in Moldavia and save it for annexation by Turkey. These attempts, however, faced a number of obstacles which can be read in the article.

7

Slavonic Culture in the Transylvanian Part of the Kingdom of Hungary, from the 15th to the Early 16th Century

88%

Tărîță M.

Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

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2023

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tom 16

209-225

EN

In Transylvania, part of the Hungarian Kingdom in the 15th century, a Slavonic cultural evolution existed despite the political domination of the Hungarian aristocracy and the towns of the Saxes. Even if the Romanians (Olachs, Vallachs) and other Eastern Christian groups had no political representation, several cultural centres existed. The main areas were north of Transylvania in Maramureș (where there was even a concurrence between the Romanians and Ruthenians supported by the hierarchy in Mukachevo), especially the monastery Peri, in Banat, it was at the Bodrog monastery, the Romanian districts in Southern Transylvania (e.g., Haczak/Hațeg), in Feleac since the second part of the 15th century and also in several villages. The last one is also illustrated by heritage as the manuscript from 1511 copied in Bîrgău by priest Mikhail. Several catalogues of Transylvanian Slavonic manuscripts were published during the second part of the 20th century. Among the editors were I. Iufu, Ch. Pistrui, T. Bojan. Valuable studies were written by M. Dan and O. Filipoiu (focusing on cultural relations between Moldavia and Transylvania) and R. Popa (dedicated to the history of Maramureș). An important hypothesis on Romanian culture in Transylvania belongs to A.A. Rusu (1999). The Slavonic cultural areas in Transylvania had cultural contacts with Moldavia and a less studied topic with Wallachia. As a result, the Slavonic manuscripts in Transylvania even have specific differences besides their Moldavian models (especially from Neamț monastery). The topic is still open for researchers, and among the important issues is establishing the affiliation to a Slavonic handwriting school or style (besides the possible local eclectics).

8

Chaos and Strategy in Managing the Diplomatic Service. The Case of Andrzej Taranowski’s Missions to Michael the Brave in 1600

88%

Jakubowska M.

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2022

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tom 6

5-30

EN

In 1600, Sigismund III, King of Poland-Lithuania, sent an envoy to Michael the Brave the Voivode of Wallachia, three times. His mission aimed to conduct negotiations on the treaty between Poland-Lithuania and Wallachia. In brief, the treaty stipulated that Michael the Brave should become a voivode of Moldavia and, therefore, Sigismund III’s vassal. The contents of that pact came into conflict with both the reality and the general policy of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Although it might seem surprising, talks gave an extra opportunity to save time. It was the moment of his highest military activity when Wallachian troops would be unchecked power near to Polish-Lithuanian border. Taranowski’s mission represented unofficial and chaotic moves in establishing contacts with the Danubian Principalities, but still clearly shows how diplomatic practice worked in Poland-Lithuania at the end of the sixteenth century.

9

Medieval name and ethnicity: Serbs and Vlachs

76%

Stareţu Ş.

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2015

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tom 22

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nr 1

81-99

PL

This article is aimed at showing the existence of a medieval aristocracy in north-eastern Hungary, characterized in connection to certain elements of the Serbian identity. The noble families from the Maramuresh region are often identified by their Orthodox identity. It linked them to the Serbian church organization and the Serbian aristocracy, in contrast with the peasants mostly represented by the Vlachs. The migration of the Vlachs within this zone probably was generated by the influx of noble elements from Serbia to Hungary, especially during the period, when Stefan Vladislav influenced actively the Hungarian politics in the 13-14th century. In this article I show that the social and ethnic processes in the region were determined by a wider context of connections between Serbia and Hungary and the presence of the Serbian Orthodox church. The Catholic organization in Hungary accepted its autonomy and ecclesiastical independence. That is why there was possible to integrate the Orthodox elites to Hungarian nobility and arrange a kind of dual identity of the region. On the other side, in the long-term perspective, the Orthodox branches became rustic, living in villages with other nobles who became impoverished. Only of the Magyarized groups were able to remain within the high aristocracy.

EN

This article is aimed at showing the existence of a medieval aristocracy in north-eastern Hungary, characterized in connection to certain elements of the Serbian identity. The noble families from the Maramuresh region are often identified by their Orthodox identity. It linked them to the Serbian church organization and the Serbian aristocracy, in contrast with the peasants mostly represented by the Vlachs. The migration of the Vlachs within this zone probably was generated by the influx of noble elements from Serbia to Hungary, especially during the period, when Stefan Vladislav influenced actively the Hungarian politics in the 13-14th century. In this article I show, that the social and ethnic processes in the region were determined by a wider context of connections between Serbia and Hungary and the presence of the Serbian Orthodox church. The Catholic organization in Hungary accepted its autonomy and ecclesiastical independence. That is why there was possible to integrate the Orthodox elites to Hungarian nobility and arrange a kind of dual identity of the region. On the other side, in the long-term perspective, the Orthodox branches became rustic, living in villages with other nobles who became impoverished. Only of the Magyarized groups were able to remain within the high aristocracy.

10

Wojna o tron hospodarski w Mołdawii w latach 1615-1616 i jej wpływ na stosunki polsko-osmańskie

75%

Constantinov V.

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tom 26

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nr 2

113-125

EN

The Moldavian campaign in late 1615 and first half of 1616 caused a growing tension in the relations between the Republic of Poland and Ottoman Empire. The Turkish sultan was determined to defend his interests in Moldova. At the same time, the Polish king tried to gain the throne of Moscow. The Polish magnates, Michał Wiśniowecki and Samuel Korecki, married to daughters of Elisabeta Movilă, decided to put their brother-in-law, Alexander Movilă, on the throne of Moldavia. But Hetman Stanisław Zółkiewski and king Sigismund III were against this campaign and did not provide any support. The intervention in Moldova could have had serious consequences for both the Turks and the Tatars. The war ended in the defeat of the magnates.

11

Geneza, przebieg i próby przezwyciężenia konfliktu o Naddniestrze

75%

Lubicz-Miszewski M.

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tom Nr 3

121-138

PL

Naddniestrzańska Republika Mołdawska to nieuznawane przez społeczność międzynarodową quasi-państwo, stanowiące de jure część Republiki Mołdawii. W 1992 roku, w wyniku pięciomiesięcznej, wygranej wojny z Mołdawią, separatystyczne Naddniestrze obroniło, a w kolejnych latach utrwaliło swoją niezależność. Po zakończeniu zbrojnej części konfliktu obie strony pozostają ze sobą w antagonistycznych stosunkach, a wszelkie próby politycznego uregulowania konfliktu jak dotąd nie przyniosły efektów. Wynika to przede wszystkim ze wspierania separatystycznej republiki przez Federację Rosyjską (czego wyrazem jest m.in. stacjonowanie rosyjskich wojsk w Naddniestrzu), słabości politycznej i militarnej państwa mołdawskiego oraz z zainteresowania władz Naddniestrzańskiej Republiki Mołdawskiej zachowaniem status quo.

EN

The Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic is a quasi-country not recognized by the international community. It constitutes de-jure a part of the Moldavian Republic. In 1992, as a result of a five month, victorious war with Moldavia, separatist Transnistria defended itself and in the following years strengthened its independence. After the end of the military part of the conflict, both countries maintained unfriendly relationships, and any political attempts to settle that conflict have so far been ineffective. It is mainly due to the Russian Federation supporting the separatist republic (the evidence of which is the presence of Russian military forces in Transnistria), the weakness of the Moldavian country and the interest of the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic to maintain the status quo.

12

Ottoman supremacy and the political independence of the Balkan and Central European states

75%

Czamańska I.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

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2023

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tom 30

73-90

EN

The article deals with the nature of the political relationship between the Ottoman Empire and the Balkan states. The various forms of dependency led to varied limitations on the functioning of these states, especially in the field of their international politics. The Ottoman Empire's relations with weaker, allied, vassal and subordinate states were shaped by the following factors: the historical period, the political and legal nature of the mutual relations, religion, the current political and military situation. On the basis of analysis of the sources and scientific literature, it has been shown that the Ottoman Empire was unable to prevent more or less official policy by its subordinate centres, as long as they had any state structures (even if they were only of a self-governing nature). In the 14th century, most of the Balkan states found themselves as allies and tributaries of the Ottoman Empire. The alliance with the Ottomans did not limit political relations with countries uncommitted against the Ottomans. In the 15th century there was a process of more and more clearly political subordination of the Balkan states which added two important elements to earlier financial and military obligations - investment and obedience. In the 16th century, it was extremely important to surrender to the King of Hungary John Zápolya under the authority of Sultan Suleiman. It also resulted in the Ottoman Empire taking over direct political control of the Romanian principalities: Wallachia and Moldavia. The Sultan was not able to fully control them, they often carried out independent political activities, connected with the Poland-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Holy Empire, and Transylvania. In the 18th century the process of building the Balkan nation states launched, albeit very slowly. In the 19th century, any independence, even very limited, was conducive to the rapid formation of their own independent statehood.

13

Family Chodecki and the Moldavian expedition from 1509

71%

Niemczyk K.

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tom 24

31-44

PL

Artykuł poświęcony został problemowi relacji polsko – mołdawskich ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem konfliktu z roku 1509 i roli, jaką odegrała w nim rodzina Chodeckich. Bogdan III – hospodar mołdawski poszukując wsparcia strony polskiej zaofiarował zwrot Pokucia w zamian za rękę siostry Aleksandra Jagiellończyka – Elżbiety. Jako że niechętna była temu pomysłowi matka kandydatki na żonę – Elżbieta Rakuszanka, Bogdan liczył na pomoc Stanisława z Chodcza- zaufanego królowej. W wyniku zawartego układu zwrócił Polsce Pokucie. Kiedy nie dano mu jednak Elżbiety za żonę, hospodar, czując się oszukanym, cały swój gniew skupił na Stanisławie. Wyprawa z 1509 roku jest nie tylko odwetem uczynionym na Polsce, ale także na rodzinie Chodeckich.

EN

This article refers to the problem of the relations between Kingdom of Poland and Moldova, especially to the 1509-year conflict and the role the Chodecki’s family played in it. Bogdan III – hospodar of Moldova who was desperately trying to find an ally, was able to give Pokuttya back to Poland in exchange for Polish agreement for his marriage with king’s sister Elisabeth. The mother and namesake of the latter - Elisabeth Habsburg didn’t accept this proposal. Bogdan however counted on support from Stefan of Chodcza. As a result of conducted negotiations the former got Pokuttya back to Poland. However, he didn’t receive Elisabeth’s hand. Bogdan blamed Stanislaw of Chodcza for this failure. The 1509 expedition was meant as revenge not only on Poland but also on Chodecki’s family.

14

The Space of Power. State Consolidation by Means of Religious Policy in the Danube Principalities in the Fourteenth to Sixteenth Centuries

63%

Grigore M. D.

Acta Poloniae Historica

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2017

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tom 116

PL

This article shows the close link between religious policy, especially that of the confessional option, and the politicization of space in the building processes of territorial states. The study focuses on the two Danube Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, which implemented their state building owing to three decisive steps: i) the jurisdictional option in favour of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in Constantinople; ii) the territorial and social implementation of the Byzantine Orthodox faith by institutional infrastructure and monastic reform; iii) the Orthodox enculturation of the two Wallachian principalities.The main goal of this chapter is to show how cultural and historical phenomena transform the abstract geographical space into the political space of a state.

15

Doktor Aleksander Wanowski (1886-1966), polski lekarz w Mołdawii

63%

Wanowski W.

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tom 2

12-14

PL

Krótka nota biograficzna ukazuje postać Aleksandra Wanowskiego (1886-1966), absolwenta studiów lekarskich na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim. Podczas pierwszej wojny światowej został przymusowo wcielony do armii rosyjskiej, którą opuścił w 1917 r. Zaczął wtedy pracować jako lekarz w Besarabii i Mołdawii, gdzie założył rodzinę. Nigdy nie wrócił do Polski.

EN

This is a short biographical article on Aleksander Wanowski (1886-1966), a Polish doctor who graduated from the Warsaw University. During the First World War he was forcibly conscripted into the Russian army. In 1917 he left the army and started to practice medicine in Bessarabia and in Moldavia where he set up home. He never returned to Poland.

16

Kopiariusz akt komisarza pełnomocnego Rządu Narodowego w księstwach naddunajskich Michała Mrozowickiego 18 VI 1863 – 10 X 1864 Część I: 18 VI 1863 – 20 I 1864

63%

Willaume M. , Nossowska M.

Res Historica

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2023

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nr 56

1247-1314

EN

During the January Uprising, the territory of Romania played a significant role in Polish military plans and served as a base for fighting units. It was a route for the transfer of weapons and ammunition, and also housed Polish volunteers and soldiers who couldn't cross into Russian territory to support the uprising. Acting on behalf of the National Government, commissioner Michał Mrozowicki was tasked with organizing the transfer of arms and ammunition, as well as taking care of soldiers and volunteers in the camps. His correspondence and reports to the National Government provide an account of events from June 1863 to October 1864, offering detailed information about his activities, the fate of Poles under his care, the challenges he faced as an official of the National Government, and the financial state, among other things.

PL

W okresie powstania styczniowego terytorium Rumunii było ważnym elementem polskich planów wojskowych oraz zapleczem dla walczących oddziałów. Przebiegał tam szlak przerzutu broni i amunicji, przebywali tam też polscy ochotnicy i żołnierze, którym nie udało się przedostać na terytorium Rosji i wesprzeć działań powstańczych. W imieniu Rządu Narodowego działał tam komisarz Michał Mrozowicki, którego zadaniem m.in. była organizacja przerzutów broni i amunicji oraz opieka nad znajdującymi się w obozach żołnierzami i ochotnikami. Jego korespondencja i raporty dla Rządu Narodowego są relacją o wydarzeniach z okresu od czerwca 1863 r. do października 1864 r. i zawierają szczegółowe informacje na temat jego poczynań, losu Polaków znajdujących się pod jego opieką, trudności, z jakimi musiał mierzyć się jako urzędnik Rządu Narodowego, stanu finansów itp.

17

Ocena zmienności rocznego odpływu rzek Republiki Mołdawii w XXI w. w następstwie zmian klimatu

63%

Łałykin N. W. , Katrinesku W. I. , Sołodkij A. E.

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tom Z. 3-4

205-211

EN

The paper presents the results of the modeling of changes of runoff of small rivers in Moldavia in 21 century. The change of average annual runoff, estimated on basis of different scenarios (CSIRO MK2, Had CM2, UKMO, ECHA M4, GFDL) are not clear cut. It was been possible to affirm, that in future the runoff it will get smaller, what will be result of foreseen warming of climate.

18

Written Languages in Moldavia during the Reign of Peter Rareş (1527–1538, 1541–1546)

63%

Knoll V.

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2022

|

tom 12

523-598

EN

The language of the Moldavian books and chancery documents written during the reign of Peter Rareş (1527–1538, 1541–1546) shows an unneglectable variability depending on the purpose, addressee and format of the texts. Using all kinds of preserved texts from this period, we have tried to describe this variability focusing on the texts written in the Cyrillic script. These texts are evaluated according to three criteria: spelling, morphosyntax and vocabulary. The most prestigious variety was the Trinovitan (Tărnovo) variety of Middle Church Slavonic. Its shape in the texts, belonging to the common Church Slavonic legacy, shows the lowest impact of the Moldavian linguistic environment. The original Church Slavonic bookish texts composed in Moldavia (Macarie’s Chronicle, Enkomion to St John the New, colophons and inscriptions) show a variable proportion of Moldavian spelling and morphosyntactic markers. The chancery documents can be characterised by blending of Church Slavonic and Ruthenian (Ukrainian-based) elements. Except the Ruthenian-based documents addressed to Poland, the chancery documents are basically Church Slavonic shaped with Ruthenian infiltrations on the level of some fixed formulas, function words and few lexical items. Moreover, Slavonic letters sent to Transylvania show tiny Wallachian Slavonic influence, manifested by forms of Serbian chancery origin. Monastery charters combine CS-shaped Ruthenian formulas with Trinovitan Church Slavonic formulas, partly shared with colophons and inscriptions. Thus, the Moldavian written legacy shares common elements both with the Wallachian milieu (e.g. Romanian Cyrillic spelling of proper names, Romanian impact on morphosyntax, specific terminology etc.) as well as with a broader Ruthenian area (mainly the eastern part of the Polish-Lithuanian Union).

19

W kręgu rywalizacji. Z dziejów Siedmiogrodu po bitwie pod Mohaczem

63%

Niemczyk K.

|

tom 12

245-260

EN

The aim of the article is to present the history of Transylvania after the Battle of Mohàcs in 1526. The defeat of Hungary and the death of King Louis II the Jagiellonian in the battle changed the power structure in Central Europe. An agreement was made between the Jagiellonians and the Habsburgs in 1515; it was strengthened by marrying Louis the Jagiellonian to Maria Habsburg and by marrying Anna the Jagiellonian to Ferdinand Habsburg. After the death of Louis, who left no heir, the political power in Czech and Hungary was to go to the Habsburgs. However, there was no unanimous agreement on the candidate; as a result, a double election happened after the death of Louis the Jagiellonian. The gentry assembly in Székesfehérvár in November elected Jan Zápolya king, while the supporters of the Habsburgs elected Ferdinand at a competing assembly. The war became inevitable. Zápolya sought help in Turkey, hence Hungary became an area where two forces competed, the Habsburgs and Turkey. Transylvania, which was a part of the state of Hungary at the time, stood in the centre of the conflict. Transylvania remained in the focus of attention for Jan Zápolya and for Ferdinand Habsburg, but also for Petru Rareș, a Moldavian hospodar, and for the Sultan himself as well. The article aims to delineate this situation, with particular insight into the relations between Jan Zápolya, Petru Rareș, and Turkey.

DE

Der Artikel setzt sich zum Ziel, die Geschichte von Siebenbürgen nach der Schlacht bei Mohács im Jahre 1526 darzustellen. Die Niederlage Ungarns und der Tod des bisherigen Königs Ludwig II. in dieser Schlacht bedingten die Veränderung der Machtverhältnisse in Mitteleuropa. Kraft des Abkommens, das 1515 zwischen den Jagiellonen und Habsburgern getroffen und durch die Entscheidungen über Eheschließungen von Ludwig II. mit Maria von Habsburg und von Anna Jagiello mit Ferdinand I. von Habsburg bekräftigt wurde, sollte die Macht in Böhmen und Ungarn auf die Habsburger übergehen, falls Ludwig II. nachkommenlos gestorben wäre. Unter ungarischen Adligen bestand allerdings keine Übereinstimmung hinsichtlich dieser Kandidatur, deshalb kam es nach dem Tod Ludwigs II. zu einer Doppelwahl. Während die Ständeversammlung in Székesfehérvár im November Johann Zápolya zum König erwählte, stimmten die Anhänger der Habsburger auf einer Gegenversammlung für Ferdinand. Das bedeutete den Auftakt zu einem Krieg. Da Zápolya in der Türkei nach Unterstützung suchte, wurde Ungarn zum Kampfplatz von zwei Mächten: den Habsburgern und der Türkei. Im Mittelpunkt des Konflikts befand sich das Gebiet von Siebenbürgen (damals ein Teil Ungarns), das der Gegenstand des Interesses nicht nur von Johann Zápolya und Ferdinand I. von Habsburg, sondern auch von Petru Rareș - dem Moldauer Woiwoden, und selbst vom Sultan war. Im vorliegenden Artikel wird die komplizierte politische Lage unter besonderer Berücksichtigungder Verhältnisse zwischen Johann Zápolya, Petru Rareș und der Türkei umrissen.

PL

Celem artykułu jest ukazanie losów Siedmiogrodu po bitwie pod Mohaczem w roku 1526. Klęska Węgier i śmierć dotychczasowego króla Ludwika Jagiellończyka w tejże bitwie spowodowały zmiany w układzie sił w Europie Środkowej. W myśl postanowień układu zawartego między Jagiellonami a Habsburgami w roku 1515, umocnionego decyzjami o małżeństwach Ludwika Jagiellończyka z Marią Habsburżanką i Anny Jagiellonki z Ferdynandem Habsburgiem, po bezpotomnej śmierci Jagiellończyka władza w Czechach i na Węgrzech miała przejść w ręce Habsburgów. Jednak wśród szlachty węgierskiej nie było zgodności co do tej kandydatury, toteż po śmierci Ludwika Jagiellończyka doszło do podwójnej elekcji. Podczas gdy zgromadzenie szlachty w Székesfehérvárze w listopadzie wybrało na króla Jana Zápolyę, zwolennicy Habsburgów na konkurencyjnym sejmie opowiedzieli się za Ferdynandem. To z kolei nieuchronnie musiało wieść do wojny. Jako że Zapolya szukał pomocy w Turcji, Węgry stały się obszarem rywalizacji dwóch sił: Habsburgów i Turcji. W centrum całego konfliktu znalazł się Siedmiogród (stanowiący wówczas część państwa węgierskiego), leżący w strefie zainteresowań nie tylko Jana Zápolyi i Ferdynanda Habsburga, ale także Piotra Rareșa – hospodara mołdawskiego, oraz samego sułtana. Celem artykułu jest zarysowanie owej skomplikowanej sytuacji, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem relacji na linii Jan Zápolya – Piotr Rareș – Turcja.

20

The Competition for Cumania between Hungary and Bulgaria (1211–1247)

51%

Madgearu A.

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2022

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tom 12

699-723

EN

Because the alliance between the Cumans and Bulgaria was a danger both for Hungary and the Latin Empire, it was preferable for Hungary to extend its domination over Cumania. The Teutonic knights were settled in south-eastern Transylvania in 1211 to defend it against the Cumans, who, after 1214, became enemies also for Bulgaria. Besides the few fortresses built in the Bârsa land, there is no certain proof for an expansion of the Teutonic Order outside the Carpathians, and by consecquence of the Hungarian kingdom, in the period before the Mongol invasion of 1241. After the departure of the Teutonic knights in 1225, Cumania became the target of the Dominican mission which was present since around 1221 in Terra Severin, a north-Danubian Bulgarian possession. The Cuman bishopric was established in 1227. The subjection of these Cumans made useless the preservation of the Hungarian-Bulgarian alliance closed in 1214, and the consequence was the annexation of Terra Severin by Hungary, sometimes between 1228 and 1232, as a Banat. The final act of the Hungarian expansion in Cumania was the introduction of the title of King of Cumania by Bela IV in 1236. The region where it was established the bishopric of Cumania continued to be under the influence of the Church of Tărnovo, even after the end of the domination of the Bulgarian state in this north-Danubian territory. In 1241, the Cuman bishopric was destroyed by the Mongol invasion. Because the Golden Horde domination did not extend west of Olt in the first years after 1242, Bela IV tried to regain positions by summoning the Hospitaller Knights in 1247. Terra Severin remained a part of the Hungarian kingdom, but the function of Ban was abandoned or suspended. One mission of the Hospitallers was to extend the Hungarian domination in Cumania, in the regions which were then conquered by the Mongols. The Mongol domination prevented the emergence of a Cuman kingdom in Moldavia, vassal of Hungary. Only the decline of the Golden Horde made possible a new penetration of the Hungarian kingdom in the former Cumania, in 1345. The former Cumania entered in the new states created during the 14th century by the Romanians liberated from the Hungarian domination, Wallachia and Moldavia.