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|
2011
|
tom 33
239-250
EN
Analyzing the works of Polish solidarists, we can find many references to other — sometimes mutually exclusive — ideological currents. However, as far as the economic aspects of the solidarist doctrine are concerned, we can easily detect especially strong connections with corporatism which was also repeatedly referred to by representatives of Italian Fascism. The principal ideologue of Polish solidarism — Professor Leopold Caro — perceived corporatism as a so-called “Third Way,” constituting the ideological alternative positioned between liberalism and socialism. In all his most important works — such as Thoughts of a Japanese on Poland, Solidarism, New Ways or Towards New Poland — he repeatedly made approving references to Italian Fascism or to Benito Mussolini. His main analysis of the phenomenon of Fascism can however be found in the publication titled Social and Economic Reforms of Fascism. The most important element of the analysis of Fascism as presented by Leopold Caro was the comparison of this Italian doctrine with socialism, and particularly liberalism, regarding the issue of social and economic rights in the context of labor relations. Analyzing the social-and-economic policies undertaken by Benito Mussolini, Leopold Caro pointed out their dualist character, involving, on one hand, gaining the approval of the group of leading industrialists (right after the conclusion of military hostilities when the specter of Communist revolution was seemingly looming), and, on the other, exerting a pressure on the industrialists in order to force them to recognize social rights. Another issue, which was approvingly acknowledged by the Polish solidarist, concerned the separation of economic aspects in which there existed a possibility of governmental intervention with simultaneous protection and development of private initiatives. Attempting to transplant Italian solutions onto Polish ground, Leopold Caro finally concluded that it is currently impossible to achieve due to the fact Polish society was simply not prepared for such radical changes and required substantial transformation before they could take place.
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2011
|
tom 33
79-97
EN
The interpretation of Fascism with regard to the origins of this phenomenon undertaken by Władysław Jabłonowski (1865–1956) — prominent literary critic, journalist and political activist, one of the co-founders of National Democracy — which was presented in the collection of his refl ections titled Amica Italia (published in 1926), was in basic agreement with the opinions of many renowned historiographers of the period who saw the seeds of the Fascist movement in the 19th-century nationalism and in social dissatisfaction resulting from peace treaties after World War I (the myth of crippled victory) and from Italian politics of later years. For Władysław Jabłonowski, “Fascist revolution” was the most significant process happening in Italy during the interwar period. It succeeded thanks to power, force, ardor, belief and participation of the huge multitudes of Italian citizens. It became a symbol of social order, erected upon nationalist ideas appropriated and incorporated by the Fascist movement. According to Jabłonowski, Fascism efficiently resisted international socialism and communism, simultaneously offering an alternative to democracy. New movement overcame stagnation of parliamentarianism, proposing efficient rule personified by Benito Mussolini whom Jabłonowski perceived as the leader of the revolution and statesman of great standing. “Fascist revolution,” being a combination of various factors, like nationalist ideology as a leading concept, national myth created by Fascism, active support of the masses, and “undeniable leadership” of Mussolini, saved Italy — in Jabłonowski’s opinion — from anarchy. Not hiding his pro-Fascist attitude, Jabłonowski was convinced that Fascism as a movement of “youthful and energetic elements that await action and enjoy struggle” will not desist its revolution until all of its opponents are forced to capitulate completely.
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