This article investigates the interaction between the developing Standard Lithuanian and spoken dialects as reflected in lower class writing (correspondence written by emigrants and to emigrants). More specifically the article focuses on the choice and use of those phonological or morphological variables that are the most salient in the scribes' dialects, in order to establish and define those features that indexed "standard" for lower class writers in the first half of the twentieth century. The data consists of sixty-five letters (17,990 word tokens) written by twenty-four individuals between 1905 to 1939. Analysis revealed that lower class scribes did not write pure dialect, but rather shifted toward the "intended" standard. At least two writing strategies toward the "intended"standard - imitation and conscious adoption of "standard" spellings (generalization) - are outlined in the article. Graphic representation (non-vernacular spellings) of certain phonological features was first visually memorized in the high frequency words and later generalized (consciously modified) to all positions. The use of memorized spellings of certain words, as well as later conscious choices to use standard spellings rather than graphic representation of their local dialects indicate that less educated writers perceived written and spoken varieties as distinct.
Experimental Polish-Lithuanian Corpus with the Semantic Annotation ElementsIn the article the authors present the experimental Polish-Lithuanian corpus (ECorpPL-LT) formed for the idea of Polish-Lithuanian theoretical contrastive studies, a Polish-Lithuanian electronic dictionary, and as help for a sworn translator. The semantic annotation being brought into ECorpPL-LT is extremely useful in Polish-Lithuanian contrastive studies, and also proves helpful in translation work.
The paper sets out to examine the metaphoricity of mediatized political discourse, particularly, news reports dealing with the conflict between Ukraine and Russia in its initial stage, from November 2013 to February 2014, as reflected in Lithuanian and Polish online press. The methodology of research relies on the principles of the Conceptual Metaphor Theory, Metaphor Identification Procedure (see Steen et al. 2010) and metaphorical patterns (Stefanowitsch 2004). Metaphorical expressions were identified in contexts surrounding three main content words identified with the AntConc (Anthony 2014) programme in Lithuanian and Polish corpus: Kyiv, Ukraine and Maidan. The results suggest that in the mediatized political discourse, these place-names are usually conceptualized as an animal or, more frequently, as a person, experiencing difficulties, suffering, feeling lost, angry, also ready to fight and able to make decisions and act independently. Another image is that of a traveller to Europe, an almost mythical destination, which is reflected in metaphorical expressions and the newly emerging compound Euromaidan. Another, slightly less numerously represented, tendency is concerned with Kyiv, Ukraine and Maidan conceptualized as objects and institutions. They include containers for (hot) fluid, a chiming bell, a toy, garbage, theatre, school, etc. Most metaphors employed in the texts are evaluative. Culture-specific features in conceptualizing events in Ukraine are mostly connected with some deeply entrenched images, like furrows and rural life in Lithuanian, and positing Poland as Ukraine’s ally and friend in Polish.
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The article examines the methodology and criteria of identification of Polish loan words in Lithuanian. Also etymology, peculiar developments, and trends in the infiltration of these borrowings are discussed. The following conclusions are proposed based on our analysis: 1) Polonisms in Lithuanian can be divided into three groups, based on the principles of (α) establishing the primary source of the variants of the Lithuanian word (through areal distribution), and (β) the words’ phonetic, morphological and semantic identity (correlated with the modulation of α). Also taken into account are peculiarities in the usage of the primary forms (not necessarily in the inherited layer) on the West Slavic ground, and their secondary variants in the East Slavic languages (based on the inquence of factors α and β). The resulting three groups are: I. mo n o g e n i c (i.e. homogenous, not represented in the vocabulary of the East Slavic languages (based on factor α)), II. i n d e t e r m i n a t e (due to the presence of variants of loanwords from Polish in East Slavic vocabulary (factor α) in dierent time periods), III. a l t e r n a t i v e (III.. forms belonging to the inherited layer, characteristic of Polish and one of the East Slavic languages (with regard to factor α); III.. doublet variants of foreign origin, derived from a dierent primary source; III.. Semipolonisms). 2) The kg digraph is one of the crucial characteristics that allows Polish loanwords in Lithuanian to be divided into the monogenic, indeterminate, and alternative. It is attested in the structure of Old Belorussian lexemes, and it re!ects the phonetic feature of the Belorussian explosive velar consonant г /g/ in loanwords and in words of the inherited layer, in combinations with other consonants: зг, дзг, and джг. 3) Spirantization of the West Slavic sonant *ȓ (> ř /ź/ or /ś/), when the temporal factor is taken into account (the process operated till the 17th c.), is a feature of paramount importance as it allows Lithuanian words to be identified and attributed to either Polish or Belorussian. 4) The phenomenon of vocalization of the Polish lateral sonant ł (the shi' to //), also known as vavation, is reflected in those loanwords in Lithuanian which belong to a later period, in dialectal forms, and also in Belorussian lexemes, and it regulates the division of borrowings into Polonisms and Belorussianisms. 5) When attributing loanwords based on dierences in vowels, it is their place in the system that should be considered, not their pronunciation. 6) The etymological status of the borrowing is determined by a match between the semantic value of the word in Lithuanian, and the original form in the West and/or East Slavic languages. 7) The fact that the Polish etymon is itself of East Slavic origin, has no influence on the establishing of the status of Polonism for a borrowing into Lithuanian (so-called secondary Polonisms).
At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, the United States was one of the most popular destinations for emigrants from the Lithuanian territories in the Russian Empire. They emigrated because they had no economic, social, or political perspectives in their homeland, which was part of the Russian Empire and the German Reich until 1918, when Lithuania proclaimed to be independent. The Lithuanians living in the Russian Empire were subjected to persecution as they were forbidden to speak their mother tongue or learn about their native history or culture. Moreover, they could not afford to buy land and were left landless and jobless mainly because of the unfavorable Russian policy to russify and economically exploit the areas controlled by the Tsar. In the pre-World War I period, the United States was a favourable country for Lithuanian emigrants because they could enjoy economic, social, and political freedom in that country. They could earn enough money to support their families left behind in their homeland, which often followed their relatives or friends living in the new land. It was much easier for them to find a job in the United States, where the Industrial Revolution created a massive demand for new workers. Lithuanian Americans lived next to other ethnic communities, which could unrestrictedly speak their native language, profess their own religion, learn about their history, establish their own political organisations, as well as issue their own newspapers or books. Such freedom encouraged American Lithuanians to integrate within their own community and to take advantage of opportunities they had never had in their homeland. As the United States was such an attractive place for the newcomers, the number of Lithuanians leaving the Russian Empire increased sharply. This was possible mainly because new railway lines were built in the Russian Empire, including the Lithuanian areas. Such routes led to ports in Germany, from where the emigrants sailed to the United States. Before World War I, hundreds of thousands of Lithuanian emigrants arrived in the United States to start their new lives. It must be said that Lithuanian Americans were successful as an ethnic community in the United States. They were strongly integrated. They cultivated their cultural values and sent money to their families in the United States and their relatives living in the Russian Empire. Lithuanian Americans established their own political organisations, which lobbied the US government as well as other political and economic organisations to support an independent Lithuania, contributed to the establishment of a Lithuanian mission in Washington D.C. and recognition of Lithuania by the US government as an independent state on 28 July 1922. The economic and social perspectives in the United Stated encouraged most Lithuanian emigrants to stay in the United States permanently, even when Lithuania became independent in 1918, and its inhabitants were no longer persecuted because of their ethnic origin.
PL
Na przełomie XIX i XX stulecia Stany Zjednoczone były jednym z najbardziej popularnych kierunków emigracyjnych dla ludności z terytoriów litewskich w Imperium Rosyjskim. Emigracja z tych terenów była popularna w tamtym czasie, ponieważ osoby emigrujące nie miały perspektyw gospodarczych, społecznych ani politycznych na swojej ziemi ojczystej, kontrolowanej przez Imperium Rosyjskie i Rzeszę Niemiecką do 1918 r., kiedy Litwa ogłosiła niepodległość. Litwini żyjący w Imperium Rosyjskim byli poddawani prześladowaniom, ponieważ zabraniano im porozumiewania się w języku ojczystym, uczenia się ojczystej historii lub kultury, oraz nie było ich stać na zakup ziemi i wielu z nich skazanych było na bezrobocie, głównie ze względu na niekorzystną politykę rosyjską polegającą na rusyfikacji i czerpaniu korzyści gospodarczych na terenach kontrolowanych przez cara. Przed I wojną światową, Stany Zjednoczone były bardzo popularnym krajem dla emigrantów litewskich, ponieważ w tym kraju mogli korzystać z wolności gospodarczej, społecznej i politycznej. Mogli zarobić wystarczająco pieniędzy dla swoich rodzin pozostawionych w ojczyźnie, którzy często podążali za ich krewnymi lub przyjaciółmi żyjącymi w nowym i dalekim kraju. Łatwiej było im znaleźć pracę w Stanach Zjednoczonych, gdzie rewolucja przemysłowa stworzyła ogromny popyt na nowych pracowników. Litwini amerykańscy mieszkali obok innych wspólnot etnicznych, które mogły bez ograniczeń porozumiewać się we własnym języku, wyznawać własną religię, poznawać własną historię, tworzyć własne organizacje polityczne, a także wydawać własne gazety lub książki. Taki rodzaj wolności zachęcał Litwinów amerykańskich do integracji we własnej społeczności i korzystania z możliwości niespotkanych w ich ojczyźnie. W związku z tym, że Stany Zjednoczone były tak atrakcyjnym krajem dla nowo przybyłych emigrantów, liczba Litwinów opuszczających rosyjskie imperium gwałtownie rosła. Było to możliwe głównie dlatego, że powstały nowe linie kolejowe w Imperium Rosyjskim, w tym na terenach litewskich, które prowadziły do portów w Niemczech, skąd emigranci płynęli do Stanów Zjednoczonych. Do wybuchu I wojny światowej setki tysięcy litewskich emigrantów przybyło do Stanów Zjednoczonych, aby rozpocząć nowe życie. Można stwierdzić, że Litwini amerykańscy odnieśli sukces jako społeczność etniczna w Stanach Zjednoczonych. Byli silnie zintegrowani. Pielęgnowali ojczystą kulturę i przekazywali zarobione pieniądze dla swoich rodzin w Stanach Zjednoczonych i krewnych żyjących w Imperium Rosyjskim. Litwini amerykańscy założyli również własne organizacje polityczne, które lobbowały rząd USA oraz inne organizacje polityczne i gospodarcze w celu wsparcia niezależnej Litwy, co w późniejszym okresie przyczyniło się do ustanowienia litewskiego przedstawicielstwa w Waszyngtonie i w końcu uznania Litwy przez rząd Stanów Zjednoczonych, jako niezależnego państwa 28 lipca 1922 r. Perspektywy ekonomiczne i społeczne w Zjednoczonym Stanowisku sprawiły, że większość emigrantów litewskich zdecydowały się na stały pobyt w Stanach Zjednoczonych, nawet gdy Litwa stała się niezależna w 1918 r., a jej mieszkańcy nie byli już prześladowani z powodu ich etnicznego pochodzenia.
Wykładniki nieokreśloności ilościowej: polskie kilkanaście i litewskie keliolika tworzą leksykalną paralelę językową. Znaczenie obu leksemów, wskazujące na przybliżoną wartość z zakresu od 11 do 19 włącznie, jest sporadycznie notowane w językach naturalnych. Analizie kontrastywnej poddano wszystkie wyekscerpowane ze znanych wielojęzycznych korpusów równoległych przykłady użycia tych form. Celem jest rozstrzygnięcie, czy zbieżność znaczeń słownikowych obu leksemów znajduje odbicie w jednoczesnym użyciu tych form we wzajemnie sobie odpowiadających segmentach polskich i litewskich.
EN
The exponents of quantitative indefiniteness: Polish kilkanaście and Lithuanian keliolika form a lexical linguistic parallel. The meaning of both lexemes, indicating an approximate value in the range from 11 to 19 inclusive, is sporadically noted in natural languages. All examples of the use of these forms extracted from known multilingual parallel corpora or Polish–Lithuanian language pair were subjected to a contrastive analysis. The aim was to determine whether the convergence of the dictionary meanings of the two lexemes is reflected in the use of these forms in mutually corresponding Polish and Lithuanian sentences/segments.
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