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EN
In this article the author presents a number of essential issues concerning the endowment of the Church, which the members of the Legislative Sejm worked on. The argument begins by stating that Church possessions were confiscated illegally by the governments of the occupant states. An
important deduction is made that the endowment of the Church was closely related to the hotly debated agrarian reform conducted with reference to ecclesiastical possessions. In his dissertation, the author presents opinions of many members of Parliament who insisted on a bill which would improve the material conditions of the clergy. It is worth noticing, however, that what they had in mind was the poor clergy in the eastern borderlands of the Republic of Poland. On the opposing side, the author mentions the point of view of those who were against maintaining the Church by the State. Also presented are the arguments of the supporters of the State maintenance of Catholic clergy. Their main argument was the fact that clergy has always played a major role in Polish history. Clergymen were described as promoters and advocates of Poland. The author of the text juxtaposes the opposing view of the supporters and adversaries of the bill which would regulate the discussed issues. Having investigated the above problems and analyzing them in the context of various issues, the author presents in a brief outline the material situation of Catholic clergy in the first years of the independence of the Second Republic of Poland. Debates and conclusions from the described issues, as well as the opinions of the Sejm members are also presented in the text.
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EN
In this article the author presents a number of essential issues concerning the endowment of the Church, which the members of the Legislative Sejm worked on. The argument begins by stating that Church possessions were confiscated illegally by the governments of the occupant states. An
important deduction is made that the endowment of the Church was closely related to the hotly debated agrarian reform conducted with reference to ecclesiastical possessions. In his dissertation, the author presents opinions of many members of Parliament who insisted on a bill which would improve the material conditions of the clergy. It is worth noticing, however, that what they had in mind was the poor clergy in the eastern borderlands of the Republic of Poland. On the opposing side, the author mentions the point of view of those who were against maintaining the Church by the State. Also presented are the arguments of the supporters of the State maintenance of Catholic clergy. Their main argument was the fact that clergy has always played a major role in Polish history. Clergymen were described as promoters and advocates of Poland. The author of the text juxtaposes the opposing view of the supporters and adversaries of the bill which would regulate the discussed issues. Having investigated the above problems and analyzing them in the context of various issues, the author presents in a brief outline the material situation of Catholic clergy in the first years of the independence of the Second Republic of Poland. Debates and conclusions from the described issues, as well as the opinions of the Sejm members are also presented in the text.
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EN
PSL „New Liberation” tried to win the villages. It highlighted its association with one of the major pre­‑war left­‑wing peasant parties: PSL „Liberation”. Before the war it had gathered many village teachers, focusing its attention on the modernization and development of education. The „New
Liberation” declared great concern for the state (including education); it emphasized the importance of religion; it ensured that in the new political realities, an educated peasant „should not be a laughing stock, as it used to be previously, but a citizen enjoying full rights”. The party emphasized the role of peasant educational organizations: „the tremendous importance of this work, which seeks to abolish the eternal harm suffered by the neglected peasant child.” „New Liberation” persuaded the peasants that they should abandon their rivalry with the Communists and Socialists. The aim was to cooperate on equal terms. But, the idea of „New Liberation” to partially represent the interests of the village in the parliament was unreal. The „liberators” failed to notice the insincerity in PPR policy. The aim of this article is to recall the main activities of the Polish Peasant Party “New Liberation” on the forum of the State National Council and Parliament.
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EN
The process of development of system of the Second Republic of Poland and expectations of sustainable development of the state was presented in the article. Tradition of Polish parliamentary system was outlined and its difference in comparison with parliamentary systems of other European
countries was presented. Polish state, reviving after the period of the Partitions, was trying to refer to this tradition, adjusting it to legal structure of modern liberal-democratic country. Accession of the Second Republic of Poland to the group of countries having liberal-democratic constitution was not automatic transfer of social, economic and mental structure. March Constitution and relations between legislative and executive power were also examined. Electoral law and election campaign to the Sejm as the factors having impact on specific composition of parliament were presented. The impact of political divisions in the Sejm on the possibilities of forming potential coalitions and on presidential elections was also shown.
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EN
The article presents the activities of deputies from the 44th electoral district, which includes: Tarnobrzeg, Kolbuszowa, Mielec, Nisko, in the Legislative Sejm. Taking up the presented local problem is justified by the fact that Polish historians have little interest in the activities of
deputies in the life of the Second Polish Republic. In previous publications of the historical center, the parliamentary activity of deputies from the 44th electoral district is in the background. Therefore, the main purpose of the article is to outline the problem raised by these deputies in the parliament. The research has shown that parliamentarians not only addressed current state problems, but also took a number of initiatives relating to local issues, often mundane, nut important for their constituents.
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EN
This article presents the reaction from the MPs of the Legislative Sejm to the involvement of the clergy in political life. Clergymen played a key role in the Legislative Sejm. They strove for a strong position of the Church in the state. Consequently those clergymen often incurred criticism
of the parliamentary Left which accused them of playing politics and of being driven by particularistic interests. Frequently, the clergymen were forbidden to perform their priestly duties and they were deprived of their positions. Some MPs demanded decisive action from the Ministry of Religious Denominations and Public Education, which was demonstrated by numerous interpellations. They believed that the Ministry should put an end to the practice of using religion and Catholic faith to achieve political goals which was also to be facilitated by a top-down ban imposed on all the clergymen. Such a ban would have made it impossible for the clergymen to deliver political speeches in churches. According to MPs, Church was not to be a parliamentary conference room. Those who expressed criticism held one common view − namely that religion and the Church should not be involved in a political fight.
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EN
This article presents the reaction from the MPs of the Legislative Sejm to the involvement of the clergy in political life. Clergymen played a key role in the Legislative Sejm. They strove for a strong position of the Church in the state. Consequently those clergymen often incurred criticism
of the parliamentary Left which accused them of playing politics and of being driven by particularistic interests. Frequently, the clergymen were forbidden to perform their priestly duties and they were deprived of their positions. Some MPs demanded decisive action from the Ministry of Religious Denominations and Public Education, which was demonstrated by numerous interpellations. They believed that the Ministry should put an end to the practice of using religion and Catholic faith to achieve political goals which was also to be facilitated by a top-down ban imposed on all the clergymen. Such a ban would have made it impossible for the clergymen to deliver political speeches in churches. According to MPs, Church was not to be a parliamentary conference room. Those who expressed criticism held one common view − namely that religion and the Church should not be involved in a political fight.
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EN
Stanisław Głąbiński – one of the more active politicians of the nationalist ideological formation – had a comprehensively prepared concept for the state’s political system already in the first years after the Polish Republic gained independence. During the legislative work of the Legislative
Sejm (1919–1922), aimed at drafting and enacting the basic law, on 30 May 1919 he submitted his original draft constitution in the form of an emergency motion. Although the initiative was presented on behalf of the National Parliamentary Popular Union, it contained an interpretation of the personal views of its constructor. S. Głąbiński referred to the solutions contained in the draft concerning the fundamental principles of state construction with respect to the sovereignty of the nation, its representation and the separation of powers.
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PL
The military-diplomatic service (military attachés) established in the spring of 1919 was intended to serve the broadly understood interest of the Polish armed forces, that is providing information above all on all military and military-political events in the accredited states, with
particular emphasis on military-technical and military-economic matters, and acting as intermediary in the purchase of war equipment abroad. This is why, in the first years of the independent Republic of Poland, there was a consensus among the political parties regarding its development. This state of affairs came to an end, however, on 8 November 1921, when a group of deputies from the Popular National Union (in Polish Związek Ludowo-Narodowy) addressed their parliamentary question to the Minister of the Treasury, concerning the liquidation of practically all military-diplomatic missions.
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10
Content available remote Posłanki Ligi Kobiet w Sejmie Ustawodawczym Polski Ludowej
EN
The analysis of the activities and the evaluation of the achievements of the League of Women deputies in the Legislative Sejm (1947–1952) allows us to understand the political position they achieved in the official parliamentary bodies and their influence on legislation. An assessment of
their achievements in this field will be more comprehensive when we compare their agency with the achievements of both female parliamentarians not affiliated to the Women’s League and male deputies.
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nr 1(150)
255–263
EN
The article refers to the sejm elected on 26 January 1919. The parliamentary representation established on that day reflected electoral preferences of the society. The so-called Legislative Sejm was to create the systemic foundation of the renascent State — a modern foundation, suitable for
the challenges of the time. The sejm comprised representatives of the intelligentsia and peasantry — those two socio-professional groups consisted 4/5 of the chamber’s composition. One of its first achievements was passing a resolution which became known as the so-called Small Constitution, which concisely regulated the most important systemic issues for the transition period, until the constitutional act is passed. Hence, the Sejm was a sovereign legislative body, closely cooperating with the Chief of State. Achievements of the Sejm comprise both social issues and matters related to the inexpedient reconstruction of the devastated state. Long-term systemic solutions aimed at modernizing the country referred to matters affecting the efficient integration process. This includes establishing the voivodeships as well as organizing the state finances (including taxes). The copestone of the reconstruction was the adoption of the Constitution of 17 March 1921. The achievements of the Legislative Sejm shall be assessed positively. It was the sejm which laid down the foundations of the renascent Republic, acting as the stabilizer, especially of the internal situation of the Polish State.
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PL
W tekście ukazano działalność reprezentacji nurtu chrześcijańsko-demokratycznego w Sejmie Ustawodawczym II RP. Przedstawiono skład osobowy Chrześcijańskiego Narodowego Klubu Robotniczego, jego władze oraz dynamikę zmian liczebności jego członków. Dokonano analizy chadeckiej myśli politycznej,
zrekonstruowanej na podstawie pierwszego programu Chrześcijańsko-Narodowego Stronnictwa Pracy z 1920 r. zestawionego z analizą aktywności posłów chadeckich na forum plenarnym Sejmu Ustawodawczego (tu zasadniczą podstawą źródłową były stenogramy posiedzeń Sejmu Ustawodawczego). Ukazano dorobek chadeckiej myśli politycznej przez pryzmat zagadnień: usytuowania religii w życiu publicznym, roli oświaty i wychowania, kwestii społecznej (zwłaszcza robotniczej), ustroju (zwłaszcza wkładu chadeków w prace nad Konstytucją marcową 1921) i polityki. W wyniku przeprowadzonej analizy udało się zrekonstruować zasadnicze elementy chadeckiej myśli politycznej, przede wszystkim ich oparcie na konkretnym systemie aksjologicznym, oraz wykazać spójność założeń programowych z inicjatywami ustawodawczymi podejmowanymi na forum parlamentu.
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2019
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nr 5(154)
5–28
EN
The issue of suffrage in the elections to the Legislative Sejm evoked interest in newspapers published at the territory of the renascent Polish State. Both the legislative works were reported, conducted at the order of Chief of State Józef Piłsudski by the government of Jędrzej Morawiecki,
and individual legal solutions, included in the electoral ordinance of 28 November 1918, were analyzed. Indubitably, the greatest controversies were raised by the issue of regulating the principle of franchise universality. Ultimately, majority of participants of the discussion — even if they had earlier distanced themselves from the program ideas publicly popularized by Moraczewski and Piłsudski — supported the decision on vesting women with both active and passive suffrage in the elections to the Sejm. An important role in this discussion was played by representatives of women’s organizations. They published articles, where attention was drawn to those aspects of franchise and right to stand for election that had been ignored by participants of the discussion. Thus, a systemic debate initiated at the origins of the Second Republic gained a deeper and innovative character and went down in the history of post-partition independent Poland.
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2019
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nr 5(154)
29–52
XX
The issue of suffrage in the elections to the Legislative Sejm evoked interest in newspapers published at the territory of the renascent Polish State. Both the legislative works were reported, conducted at the order of Chief of State Józef Piłsudski by the government of Jędrzej Morawiecki,
and individual legal solutions, included in the electoral ordinance of 28 November 1918, were analyzed. Indubitably, the greatest controversies were raised by the issue of regulating the principle of franchise universality. Ultimately, majority of participants of the discussion — even if they had earlier distanced themselves from the program ideas publicly popularized by Moraczewski and Piłsudski — supported the decision on vesting women with both active and passive suffrage in the elections to the Sejm. An important role in this discussion was played by representatives of women’s organizations. They published articles, where attention was drawn to those aspects of franchise and right to stand for election that had been ignored by participants of the discussion. Thus, a systemic debate initiated at the origins of the Second Republic gained a deeper and innovative character and went down in the history of post-partition independent Poland.
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PL
Niniejszy artykuł stanowi drugą część analizy normatywnych aspektów odbudowy państwa polskiego, tym razem obejmujących okres od przekazania przez Radę Regencyjną Królestwa Polskiego zwierzchnictwa na wojskiem Józefowi Piłsudskiemu w dniu 11 listopada 1918 r., do zamachu stanu dokonanego przez
Józefa Piłsudskiego w maju 1926 r. Autor analizuje poszczególne etapy kształtowania się polskiego konstytucjonalizmu w tym okresie, zwracając m.in. uwagę na szczególną inspirację polskiego ustawodawcy konstytucyjnego ustrojem Trzeciej Republiki Francuskiej.
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EN
This article constitutes the second part of the analysis of normative aspects of the reconstruction of the Polish state. This part covers the period which started when the Regency Council of the Kingdom of Poland passed authority over the army to Józef Piłsudski on 11 November 1918 and
finished when Józef Piłsudski launched a coup in May 1926. The author analyses individual stages of the formation of Polish constitutionalism during this period, drawing attention to, inter alia, the fact that the political system of the Third French Republic particularly inspired the Polish constitutional legislator.
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EN
Maria Moczydłowska was the youngest female member in Legislative Sejm, and one out of three women, who run for parliament from national electoral list (together with Gabriela Balicka and Zofia Sokolnicka). She succeeded in the elections mainly because of collaboration with father Wacław
Bliziński, cofounder of National People’s Union. Moczydłowska worked with female members of parliament, regardless of their political origin, strongly supported women and men equality, and prohibition. She was the first woman to speak in front of Sejm. Once retired from politics Moczydłowska focused on education activism.
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PL
Maria Moczydłowska była najmłodszą spośród wszystkich posłanek Sejmu Ustawodawczego i jedną z trzech wybranych z listy narodowej (poza Gabrielą Balicką i Zofią Sokolnicką). Swój sukces wyborczy w dużej mierze zawdzięczała współpracy z księdzem Wacławem Blizińskim - współtwórcą Narodowego
Zjednoczenia Ludowego. W swojej działalności dążyła do ponadpartyjnej współpracy posłanek i aktywnie działała na rzecz równouprawnienia kobiet i mężczyzn. Do historii przeszła m.in. jako pierwsza kobieta, która zabrała głos w polskim Sejmie. Była orędowniczką wprowadzenia całkowitej prohibicji. Po zakończeniu kariery politycznej skoncentrowała się na działalności oświatowej.
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EN
The aim of the review article is a discussion on a book by Janusz Faryś, Functioning of a parliamentary democracy in the Second Polish Republic. Conflicts around the government crisis in 1922 (Funkcjonowanie demokracji parlamentarnej w Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej. Konflikty wokół przesilenia
rządowego w 1922 roku). The reviewed monograph is the first book devoted entirely to the crisis of Poland’s parliamentary democracy from summer 1922. The crisis occurred in the runup to the parliamentary and presidential elections and involved the longest government crisis in the history of the Second Polish Republic. It was triggered by a political confrontation between Poland’s Chief of State Józef Piłsudski, supported by the left-wing and centre-left parties and representatives of national minorities with his opponents on the right and central right. An open constitutional conflict between the Chief of State and the Legislative Sejm peaked during a failed attempt to push through a vote of no confidence in J. Piłsudski. Alongside an eloquent presentation of the origins, course and consequences of those events, the book by Janusz Faryś provides an in-depth analysis of factors that contributed to the weakness of Poland’s parliamentary democracy at that time.
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PL
Celem artykułu recenzyjnego jest omówienie książki pt. Funkcjonowanie demokracji parlamentarnej w Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej. Konflikty wokół przesilenia rządowego w 1922 roku autorstwa Janusza Farysia. Recenzowana monografia jest pierwszą w historiografii książką poświęconą w całości kryzysowi
demokracji parlamentarnej w Polsce, do którego doszło latem 1922 r., w przededniu wyborów parlamentarnych i prezydenckich. Jego przejawem było najdłuższe w historii II Rzeczypospolitej (dwumiesięczne) przesilenie rządowe, spowodowane konfrontacją polityczną pomiędzy Naczelnikiem Państwa Józefem Piłsudskim, wspieranym przez partie lewicowe i centrolewicowe oraz przedstawicieli mniejszości narodowych, a jego przeciwnikami z partii prawicowych i centroprawicowych. Doszło wówczas do otwartego konfliktu Naczelnika Państwa z Sejmem Ustawodawczym o charakterze konstytucyjnym, którego apogeum stanowiła nieudana próba przegłosowania wotum nieufności wobec J. Piłsudskiego. Książka Janusza Farysia przedstawia nie tylko w sposób erudycyjny genezę, przebieg i następstwa tych wydarzeń, ale zawiera również pogłębioną analizę czynników decydujących o słabości funkcjonowania polskiej demokracji parlamentarnej w tym okresie.
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