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2014
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tom 100
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nr 3
593-628
EN
The study submitted herein, which was conducted on the basis of investigation of source materials undertaken in Czech and foreign archives as well as study of Czech, Yugoslav and foreign literature, attempts to map the situation of the political opposition in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia) between 1929 and 1931. This is the period spanning between the proclamation of a dictatorship by King Alexander Karađorđević in January 1929 and the issuing of the octroi constitution in September 1931. At the same time, the study attempts to inform readers about Czechoslovakia’s stance — as a significant Yugoslav ally — toward the local political opposition.
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nr 1
60-79
EN
The article discusses the economic situation in Slovenia after World War I through the lens of bankruptcy procedures. While bankruptcies were a common occurrence in the Austro- Hungarian economy, their number decreased significantly during World War I due to the stagnation of the economic market. After the war, most of the Slovene lands became part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The period until the mid-1920s was one of economic prosperity, following a period of gradual recuperation in the first post-war years. In the years after 1918, bankruptcies were relatively rare and mostly concerned enterprises that were considered non-essential, i.e. those which did not supply food; all other enterprises were rather dispensable. From 1921, the economy stabilized and the number of bankruptcies slowly increased until the 1925 deflationary crisis. Archival sources frequently mention foodstuffs as part of bankruptcy estates, but they posed a problem for bankruptcy managers and debtors because their questionable quality made them difficult to sell and they spoiled quickly.
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nr 1
140-163
EN
One of the most vital questions that needed to be answered concerning national minorities in Yugoslavia after the first world war, or rather after the formation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, was the question regarding the usage of their native language. In this study I will dedicate myself to discussing the government´s academic, school or rather educational politics towards minorities in the period between the two world wars. I will be focused on discussing the specific administrative and legal regulations regarding the representative minorities in Vojvodina and the whole of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes respectively. Opportunities regarding education in Vojvodina were diverse and there was no real consistency when it comes educational politics. The state finally revoked the 37 different provincial laws and regulations and put in place unanimous school regulations for the entire state in 1929 with the goal of unifying all social, political and public aspects of the Yugoslavian national basis. This study will exemplify how the state acted towards minority groups after establishing a new state and will illustrate the most important laws and law proposals regarding the use of their native language.
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nr 2
PL
Gabriele D’Annunzio coup in Rijeka (1919–1920) in the context of Italian-Yugoslavian relationsAbstractThe question of domination over the Adriatic Sea was a thorny issue in the interwar relationship between Italy and Yugoslavia. The dispute over the city of Rijeka (Fiume at that time), which after the coup launched by Gabriele D’Annunzio in September 1919 further aggravated the relations of Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, involved in the conflict at the same time the Entente states. Rijeka was the city of non-uniform national structure, and an important economic centre, becoming at the same time a symbol of intersecting Italian and Yugoslavian influences on the Adriatic.The controversy over Rijeka was not a typical one, as it took place in the background of the peace conference in Paris after the end of the Great War. The Entente States, i.e. France, the United States, and Great Britain, had different and conflicting visions of the city’s status. This indecision was used by D’Annunzio, who in 1919–1920 strengthened his rule in Rijeka. Initially, the Italian government was ambiguous on the poet’s coup, while the diplomacy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes regarded the coup as Italian attack against Rijeka. Thus, the question of normalisation of the city’s status became a complex process, requiring the consideration of many aspects within the framework of Italian-Yugoslavian relations.The present article analyses these aspects of the relationship between Italy and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in the context of D’Annunzio coup mounted in September 1919. Another important value of the text resides in the fact that it is based on archival materials, including archival press reports (mainly from the Polish, Serbian, and French press of that time), which made it possible to present the problem against the rich and broad social and political background of the conflict over Rijeka. Переворот Габриеле д’Аннунцио в Риеке (1919–1920) в контексте итальяно-югославских отношенийАннотацияВопрос господства над Адриатикой был невралгическим пунктом в итальяно-югославских отношениях в межвоенный период. В этом отношении особенно сформировался конфликт о Риеку, который в результате переворота, совершенного Габриеле д’Аннунцио в сентябре 1919 года, усугубил отношения между Италией и КСХС, одновременно втягивая в эту проблему государства Антанты. Риека была городом с неоднородной этнической структурой, а заодно важным центром экономики и символом пересекающихся итальянского и югославского влияний над Адриатикой.Спор о Риеку был нетипичен. Он проходил на фоне Парижской мирной конференции, созванной после завершения Великой войны. Совещающиеся государства Антанты т.е. Франция, США и Великобритания, высказывали разные и противоречивые концепции статуса города. Этой нерешимостью воспользовался д’Аннунцио, который в 1919–1920 гг. утверждал свою власть в Риеке. Поначалу итальянская сторона неоднозначно высказывалась о перевороте поэта, а дипломатия КСХС утверждала, что имело место итальянское наступление на Риеку. Итак, вопрос нормализации статуса города оказался сложным процессом, требующим учета многих аспектов в рамках итальяно-югославских отношений.Эти аспекты в отношениях Италии с КСХС в контексте переворота, совершенного д’Аннунцио в Риеке в сентябре 1919 года и стали предметом обсуждения в данной статье. Основная источниковая ценность текста заключается в архивных материалах, прежде всего, архивных донесениях прессы (главным образом польских, сербских и французских), благодаря которым стало возможным обсуждение, с учетом различных контекстов, прежде всего, общественных и политических, конфликта о Риеку.
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nr 2
EN
The article presents an outline of the Serbian political dominance in the federation of South Slavic peoples in the years 1918-1941. The first part recalls various aspects of Serbian activity during WWI. The next one refers to the political reality of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, where the Serbs have gained an important advantage over the other South Slavic peoples. The third part examines the phenomenon of Serbian authoritarianism in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, one of the causes of the growing ethnic conflict in the country.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono zarys serbskiej dominacji politycznej w federacji naro­dów południowosłowiańskich z lat 1918–1941. W pierwszej części przywołano kwestie związane z aktywnością Serbów podczas I wojny światowej. W kolejnej odniesiono się do funkcjonowania Królestwa Serbów, Chorwatów i Słoweńców, w którym Serbowie uzyskali znaczną przewagę poli­tyczną nad innymi narodami południowosłowiańskimi. W trzeciej części przybliżono problema­tykę serbskiego autorytaryzmu w Królestwie Jugosławii, będącego jedną z przyczyn narastania konfliktu narodowościowego w państwie.
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