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tom 20
181-193
EN
The aim of this article is to present the case of Yugoslav idea in the eyes of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and a communist Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito and Edvard Kardelj. The author claims that special versions of the Yugoslav idea existed in Yugoslavia until 1964, when nationalisms raised and the federalization of the state started. After that, the Yugoslav state gained the name of the socialist community of the Yugoslav citizens not of the Yugoslav nation. In the article, the author investigates the speeches of J.B. Tito and the ideological opinion of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia until the eighties of the 20th century. After the death of Marshal Tito, one of the advocates of multinational Yugoslavia was Slobodan Milošević – the former president of the Republic of Serbia. He was a follower of the Yugoslav ideology created by J. B. Tito. Nowadays, Yugoslavia does not exist and the socialist idea of brotherhood and unity was replaced by national states and nationalism. It is worth to mention that the authors of book “Nebeska Jugoslavija”, M. Velikonja and V. Perica, promote “new Yugoslavism”, which is rather closer to Yugonostalgy and Yugosphere than to political ideology.
EN
Text is an analysis of symbolic strategies, serving creation of Josip Broz Tito’s authority as the leader of the socialist Yugoslavia; it also reveals their cultural and political motivations. Author indicates three dominant factors in the process of cult creation, which are characteristic for the cult of personality in totalitarian systems; as such they also remain a specific continuation of traditions as a base of the local power culture. In this perspective, the Tito’s cult and political mythology as its frame is an endemic embodiment of mythological provincionalism with universal aspirations – typical for communism. The function of this cult is a consolidation of multi-nation community and legitimization of federal state formula in the conditions of immaturity of the local political culture.
3
Content available remote Rozpad Socjalistycznej Federacyjnej Republiki Jugosławii
72%
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2012
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nr 4(345)
181-203
EN
The object of the study are the determinants of the collapse of Yugoslavia considering the historical circumstances that defined the shape of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and were a basis of erosive movements at the beginning of the 1990s that led to a bloody conflict. Relations among the Yugoslav nations under the rule of Josip Broz Tito are described. The situation in the republic on the threshold of war is analyzed with emphasis on the decisions of the political elite of those times who perceived armed conflict as instrumental in implementing the ideas of creating independent political organisms. The course of the 10-day war is outlined that led to the emergence of Slovenia as an independent state. The endeavors of political decision makers to create a nationally homogeneous Croatia to the exclusion of the vital interests of the Serbian minority inhabiting in compact enclaves the region of the Military Frontier and Slavonia are discussed. The character of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina is shown through a description of the besieged Sarajevo, a divided Mostar, the balance of wrongs experienced by inhabitants of Bosnia due to atrocities committed by all the warring parties.
4
Content available Josipa Broza-Tity stosunek do religii
72%
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tom 57
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nr 2
103-126
EN
The article is devoted to Josip Broz Tito’s attitude to religion. Based mainly on literature and his speeches, an analysis of the circumstances that shaped the worldview of the Yugoslav leader was made. Answers were sought regarding how he treated the issue of religion in the communist party he ruled, as a partisan commander during the war and as the head of state.
PL
Artykuł poświęcony jest stosunkowi Josipa Broza-Tity do religii. Na podstawie głównie literatury oraz przemówień dokonana została analiza okoliczności, które ukształtowały światopogląd jugosłowiańskiego przywódcy. Omówiono sposób, w jaki traktował kwestię religii w rządzonej przez siebie partii komunistycznej, jako dowódca partyzantów w czasie wojny oraz głowa państwa.
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tom 51
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nr 1
PL
W artykule czytelnik odnajdzie poglądy emigracyjnych ekspertów z kręgów rządu RP na obczyźnie oraz publicystów i dziennikarzy prasy polskojęzycznej wydawanej na Wyspach Brytyjskich na temat czterech kluczowych wydarzeń politycznych z dziejów Jugosławii w latach 1945–1948: spór o Triest, wybory parlamentarne w 1945 r., dwa procesy pokazowe gen. Dragoljuba (Dražy) Mihailovicia i abpa Alojzije Stepinaca oraz konflikt jugosłowiańsko-sowiecki o dominację na Bałkanach. The article presents opinions of emigration experts from the circles of the Polish government-in-exile as well as journalists and commentators of the Polish-language press published in Great Britain about four momentous political events in the history of Yugoslavia in 1945–1948: (1) Trieste crisis, parliamentary election in 1945, two show trials of Gen. Dragoljub (Draža) Mihailović and archbishop Aloysius Viktor Stepinac, and the Yugoslav-Soviet conflict over domination in the Balkans.
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nr 1
93-121
EN
In the article, Michał Jerzy Zacharias presents the evolution of the political stance, and especially the political thought of Milovan Đilas on the so-called ‘new class’ and the communist system: its origins, character, and inevitable collapse. The author draws attention to the views and concepts of the ‘new class’ as depicted by his predecessors, starting with Nikolai Bakunin. He also emphasises the fundamental differences between Đilas’s thoughts and the theories of Karl Marx, regardless of the use of the Marxian (Marxist) research method and terminology of Das Kapital’s author. The article is based mainly on Đilas’s writings, especially The New Class, and the subject’s wealthy literature.
PL
W prezentowanym artykule została przedstawiona ewolucja postawy politycznej, przede wszystkim zaś myśli politycznej Milovana Đilasa w sprawie tzw. nowej klasy i systemu komunistycznego – jego powstania, charakteru i nieuniknionego zaniku. Zwrócono uwagę na poglądy i koncepcje „nowej klasy” w ujęciu jego poprzedników, od Nikołaja Bakunina poczynając. A także na zasadnicze różnice między myślą Đilasa i teoriami Karla Marksa, niezależnie od posługiwania się marksowską (marksistowską) metodą badawczą i terminologią twórcy Kapitału. Artykuł powstał w oparciu głównie o pisma Đilasa, z Nową klasą na czele, oraz o bardzo bogatą literaturę przedmiotu.
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