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EN
The paper aims at examining the first Slavic collection of homilies of John Chrysostom, called Zlatostruy (i.e. Chrysorrhoas or Golden Stream). The peculiarities of its content, compilation strategy and impact on the medieval Bulgarian literature, revealed in previous studies, allow us to extract features that are related to the flourishing of the 10th century Bulgarian literary tradition and the successful adoption of Byzantine models.
Vox Patrum
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2022
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tom 83
221-246
EN
Unlike the dominant but simplified view of previous scholarship that Chrysostom stands in opposition to Roman property law, his attitude towards Roman law concerning property ownership is quite complicated. Insisting on the belief that things are created for common use and God is the ultimate owner of the world, Chrysostom denies various modes of property acquisition approved by Roman law (inheritance, thesauri inventio, and specificatio ) to be righteous, but when clarifying the limited and inferior human right over things in comparison with that of God, he never hesitates to use the Roman legal terms χρῆσις and δεσποτεία. Moreover, based on the conviction that the worldly economic order derives from divine providence, he confines his enumeration of the things shared in common mainly to the Res communes and Res publicae or Res universitatis under Roman law and persuades his audience to help those in need with the wealth temporarily under their stewardship. As a rhetorical strategy, Chrysostom’s use and manipulation of Roman legal language and thought aimed to promote almsgiving
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tom 85
91-104
EN
The purpose of this paper is to indicate how, that is, with the help of which means, Chrysostom in his five homilies “On the Incomprehensible Nature of God” introduces his community in Antioch to the intricacies of the dispute with the Anomoeans, as far as the possibility of knowing God and his essence are concerned. The main differences between those texts and other fundamental polemical sources with Eunomius will also be taken under consideration. John uses both biblical and philosophical terms to underline the negative aspect of theology and his five homilies are not so theologically and philosophically sophisticated as Basil’s or Gregory’s texts, unlike even Gregory of Nazianzus, whose Orations, have a similar overall message. John uses methods adequate to accomplish his goal, which is to preserve the orthodox concept and unify the Antiochian Church.
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EN
This article is divided into four sections. In the first, Fr. Arkadiusz Baron describes shortly the reception of Chrysostom’s writings in the ancient world in the East and in the West. It is surprising that the “Golden Mouth” and his homilies have triggered so many difficulties from the very beginning until the present. In the past, in the East, a growing conflict with the Severian of Gabbala and other bishops became the main obstacle to the reception of Chrysostom’s preaching. In 403, at the so-called council at the oak, Chrysostom was condemned and exiled. One of many false accusations charged him with being too merciful toward sinners who were recidivists. In the West, Anian of Celedo, Pelagius’ friend, translated Chrysostom’s homilies (especially on Matthew) into Latin. Pelagianism was condemned and Chrysostom was suspected to be semi-Pelagian. The oldest and most integral Latin version of Chrysostom’s homilies on record date back from the twelfth century. In the fifteenth century pope Nicholaus V asked for a new translation. Similarly in Poland, Chrysostom was not too lucky. In Polish, only about 15 per cent of his homilies are available. Among the translators are J. Wujek, A. Załęski and J. Krystyniacki from the eighteenth century, and T. Sinko, W. Kania, A. Baron and J. Iluk from the twentieth century. Some of them are historians and philologists, but not theologians. This is a problem of the existing Polish translations: we need a good theological, biblical and homiletical elaboration of Chrysostom’s homilies. Homilies on Matthew were preached in 390 in Antioch when Chrysostom was already well-known. Chrysostom’s homilies are the first and one of the best ancient commentaries to this Gospel. He is the only man who in the first millennium of Christianity explained the Acts of the Apostles, and he is the only one in Christianity to do this in the form of homilies. The centre of the Jesus’ Gospel according to Chrysostom is the person of Jesus. The prime purpose of Matthew’s Gospel is to reveal the unconditional love of God for each human being. Homilies on Matthew are completely apolitical. Chrysostom never even mentions governors or political situations. Similarly, he does not speak about ecclesiastical canons of councils of Antioch from the fourth century. He is only interested in how to explain the best way to all the listeners the Good News that Jesus has brought on earth. At the end, Fr. Baron gives some examples of Chrysostom’s exegesis: Mt 12: 33-37; 10: 32; 28: 1-3 and Homily on Matthew 85, 3-4.
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2016
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tom 52
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nr 1-2
407–419
EN
This article investigates the ecloga of passages on death collected from works attributed to John Chrysostom and preserved in New College Manuscript 83, which is classifi ed as CPG 4886. It describes New College Manuscript 83, the contents of its ecloga on death, and provides a direct comparison of this ecloga with another on death published in Patrologia Graeca 63; then the article refl ects on what the New College Manuscript ecloga can reveal about the users who created it and their ideas about its use. Because this ecloga attempts to preserve the original location of each passage it cites, and because its author explicitly labeled the rhetorical form of speech-in-character when it appeared, we can speculate that its creators were invested in rhetoric and the preservation of Chrysostom’s authority as the composer of specifi c individual works. This allows us to see that the ecloga confl ates its creator’s intellectual frameworks with those of late antiquity, in effect retrojecting the processes of knowledge creation and preservation so prevalent in the Byzantine era back into Chrysostom’s time.
EN
John Chrysostom (349–407) provides the most comprehensive commentary on the Pauline epistles from the patristic era. During his priestly mission in Antioch (386–397) and his episcopate in Constantinople (398–403), he wrote over 200 homiletic commentaries on the entire Pauline epistolary body of work. This research attempts to analyze how Chrysostom interprets Paul’s verses concerning the collection and uses them to organize and transform the ecclesial groups into communities of love, particularly paying attention to the poor. The study focuses on the works of John Chrysostom on Rom 15:25–29. Based on his interpretation, the status of debtors in the spiritual blessings is the main reason why the Romans had to be more earnest in almsgiving, imitating the Macedonians and the Achaeans who had helped the community in Jerusalem. He also encourages them to reform their lives, cutting off the superfluities, luxurious lifestyles, and bad attitudes in squandering money on other selfish needs. At the same time, he stirrers them up to meet their needs moderately, which meant using only the goods that are truly necessary for a healthy and dignified life so that they would always have something to share with the poor.
EN
Jesus constituted Eucharist in the atmosphere of love: „having loved His own who were in the world, He loved them to the end” (Joh 13:1). It is especially stressed in the anaphora and all The Divine Liturgy of Saint John Chrysostom. In this article author considers liturgical hymn about God’s source of love and he recalls 150th anniversary of the Congregation of the Resurrection’s participation in the mission in aid of the Bulgarian Union. First of all he shows genesis of this congregation. Next he analysis a history of its work in Bulgaria: years of beautiful and creative apostolate, the difficult and tragic time of war, and after that the period of communistic regime. The great works of this congregation were canceled and some of friars were imprisoned. Members of the Congregation of the Resurrection treated a time of prisoning as a „second university” and to the end of their lives they served to the people with joy.
PL
The article tries to answer the question why Clement of Alexandria (Paed. II 58, 1–2) and John Chrysostom (De Eleazaro et septem pueris, PG, vol. 63, coll. 523–4) propose peculiar interpretations of Sir 32:3. At first sight it might seem that the writers used texts of that verse in the Septuagint that were different from its present shape, but the real causes of the discrepancies were, in Clement’s case, his abhorrence of music, and in John Chrysostom’s case, the situation in which his speech was delivered.
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tom 9
407-428
EN
The Old Church Slavonic translation of John Chrysostom’s commentaries on Acts of the Apostles (CPG 4426) is attested in 18 ethica and fragments included in the Old Bulgarian collection Zlatostruy from the early 10th-century Preslav. The Slavonic homilies have many peculiarities in common suggesting that they were translated together presumably by one translator. One of their common features is the frequent use of double translations (Doppelubersetzungen). In the article nearly half of the 90 examples in 10 homilies are examined and divided into four groups – proper double translations, complementary double translations, synonyms, and contextual synonyms. The study shows that in several cases the Slavonic translation is notably consistent and repetitive, but more often it aims at variety and clarity. The examples from the Zlatostruy homilies on Acts are compared to other Old Church Slavonic translations (e.g. to the works of John the Exarch and to other homilies from Zlatostruy), but the similarities are not sufficient for identifying the anonymous translator(s). The use of doublets in the examined texts is viewed both as a linguistic device for a faithful translation and as a stylistic feature typical for the translator of these homilies. However, this phenomenon is attested in many other medieval literary traditions, which makes the Zlatostruy homilies part of a larger textual tradition.
Vox Patrum
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2022
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tom 83
459-472
PL
Żyjący na przełomie IX i X wieku bizantyjski retor i hagiograf Teodor Dafnopata (Θεόδορος Δαφνοπάτης ), ofiarował cesarzowi Nikiforowi III Botaniacie (1078-1081 r.) zbiór homilii, które były kompilacją fragmentów wyjętych z mów i homilii św. Jana Chryzostoma. Na pierwszej stronie najstarszych znanych rękopisów widnieje informacja, że są to „kwietniki” (απάνθισμα) ułożone ze słów Jana Chryzostoma, a uporządkowane (συνάθροισις) przez Teodora Dafnopatę. Wypisy z dzieł św. Jana Chryzostoma, bizantyjski kompilator Teodor Dafnopata ułożył w ponad trzydzieści mów, wśród których jest także  mowa „O chorobach i lekarzach”, której przekład na język polski przekazuję do druku w kolejnym tomie Vox Patrum.
EN
John Chrysostom was not only one of the most prolific and influential authors of late antiquity but also a renown preacher, exegete, and public figure. His homilies and sermons combined the classical rhetorical craft with some vivid imagery from everyday life. He used descriptions, comparisons, and metaphors that were both a rhetorical device and a reference to the real world familiar to his audience. From 9th century onwards, many of Chrysostom’s works were translated into Old Church Slavonic and were widely used for either private or communal reading. Even if they had lost the spontaneity of the oral performance, they still preserved the references to the 4th-century City, to the streets and the homes in a distant world, transferred into the 10th-century Bulgaria and beyond. The article examines how some of these urban images were translated and sometimes adapted to the medieval Slavonic audience, how the realia and the figures of speech were rendered into the Slavonic language and culture. It is a survey on the reception of the oral sermon put into writing, and at the same time, it is a glimpse into the late antique everyday life in the Eastern Mediterranean.
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Vox Patrum
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1985
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tom 8
193-199
EN
Exilis et parva haec dissertatiuncula proposuit sibi delineare secundum doctrinam S. Joannis Chrysostomi ideam familiae christianae prouti ecclesiae domesticae ad mentem S. Pauli.
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Content available Św. Jan Chryzostom w nauczaniu Jana Pawła II
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IT
La letteratura patristica fu presente nelPinteresse di Papa Wojtyła non soltanto come appoggio nelPinsegnamento, ma sopratutto come modo alternativo per la dogmatica - scuola non speculativa ma storica. Questa dimensione e molto importante per Lui. Si deve dire, in veritó, che Giovanni Paolo II nei suoi documenti raramente usava gli scritti di S. Giovanni Crisostomo. Ma queste citazioni sono molto significative. Grandę Antiocheno e da Lui preferito quale testimone di caritó cristiana, solidarietó ed e anche uno dei primi Padri della Chiesa che ha valorizzato molto il matrimonio nei confronti della vita consacrata. II famoso vescovo di Costantinopoli era per Lui un catecheta speciale che eon la vita ha testimoniato l’impegno sociale della Chiesa. Ma la figura di S. Giovanni Crisostomo e sempre nel quadro eon gli altri grandi padri della Chiesa, testimoni di tradizione greca e siriaca del IV secolo nella Chiesa. Insieme eon loro era presente nei momenti in cui il Papa voleva far vedere la continuitó delPinsegnamento della Chiesa su questi argomenti. II modo di appoggiarsi sugli scritti di Grandę Antiocheno 6 simile alla presenza degli altri padri nelPinsegnamento di Giovanni Paolo II.
EN
La letteratura patristica fu presente nell'interesse di Papa Wojtyła non soltanto come appoggio nell'insegnamento, ma sopratutto come modo alternativo per la dogmatica - scuola non speculativa ma storica. Questa dimensione e molto importante per Lui. Si deve dire, in verita, che Giovanni Paolo II nei suoi documenti raramente usava gli scritti di S. Giovanni Crisostomo. Ma queste citazioni sono molto significative. Grandę Antiocheno e da Lui preferito quale testimone di carita cristiana, solidarieta ed e anche uno dei primi Padri della Chiesa che ha valorizzato molto il matrimonio nei confronti della vita consacrata. II famoso vescovo di Costantinopoli era per Lui un catecheta speciale che con la vita ha testimoniato l’impegno sociale della Chiesa. Ma la figura di S. Giovanni Crisostomo e sempre nel quadro eon gli altri grandi padri della Chiesa, testimoni di tradizione greca e siriaca del IV secolo nella Chiesa. Insieme con loro era presente nei momenti in cui il Papa voleva far vedere la continuita dell'insegnamento della Chiesa su questi argomenti. II modo di appoggiarsi sugli scritti di Grande Antiocheno e simile alla presenza degli altri padri nell'insegnamento di Giovanni Paolo II.
EN
This article deals with the question concerning God’s mercy according to the homilies of John Chrysostom on the Gospel according to Mathew and its role in Christian life. Mercy is God’s name. Chrysostom notices that God’s mercy is the only reason for the incarnation of God’s Son, because He accepted human life to save people from all kind of maladies and evils. Therefore mercy is the essence of Christian life. Chrysostom underlines that rewards for mercy given to people during earthly life cannot been compared with God’s mercy, because human mercy is involved with temporal maters and God’s mercy offers eternal salvation. God’s mercy is always connected with salvation. Therefore even human beings can obtain God’s mercy without any condition, but metanoia and forgiveness are required.Mercy is so important for real Christian life that Christians have to learn it throughout the entire life. God the Father and Jesus Christ are the best teachers of mercy. Mercy is the best measurement of humanity. Man without mercy is dead spiritually even if he is still living his earthly life. There is a penalty for a lack of mercy and the penalty is eternal punishment. Mercy can not be offered to others from the goods stolen or possessed in a dishonest way.
PL
Artykuł podejmuje problem Bożego miłosierdzia w ujęciu homilii św. Jana Chryzostoma na Ewangelię według św. Mateusza i św. Jana Chryzostoma na Ewangelię według św. Mateusza oraz jego rolę w życiu chrześcijańskim. Miłosierdzie jest imieniem Boga. Chryzostom uważa, że Boże miłosierdzie jest jedyną racją Wcielenia Syna Bożego, ponieważ przyjął On ludzkie życie, aby wybawić ludzi od wszelkich chorób i zła. Dlatego miłosierdzie stanowi istotę chrześcijańskiego życia. Chryzostom podkreśla, że nagród za miłosierdzie okazane ludziom w ciągu życia doczesnego nie można porównywać z Bożym miłosierdziem, ponieważ ludzkie miłosierdzie dokonuje się w sprawach doczesnych, a Boże miłosierdzie oferuje wieczne zbawienie. Boże miłosierdzie zawsze jest powiązane ze zbawieniem, które ludzie mogą otrzymać bez udziału człowieka i bez żadnych warunków; potrzebne jest natomiast tylko nawrócenie i przebaczenie.Miłosierdzie jest tak ważne dla autentycznego życia chrześcijańskiego, że chrześcijanie powinni uczyć się go udzielać przez całe życie. Bóg Ojciec i Jezus Chrystus są jego najlepszymi nauczycielami. Miłosierdzie jest miarą człowieczeństwa. Człowiek niemiłosierny jest duchowo martwy nawet jeśli jeszcze żyje życiem doczesnym. Kara za brak miłosierdzia jest wieczna. Nie jest autentycznym miłosierdziem obdarzanie innych nie swoimi lub nieuczciwie zdobytymi dobrami.
EN
The fascination with St. Paul’s activity was one of St. John Chrysostom characteristic features. In the attitude of the Antiochian we can see not only true admiration but also  the will to imitate St. Paul as a guiding light of Christian involvement and activity. St. John Chrysostom has often underlined the pedagogical attitude of the Apostle towards the audi- ence in his letters. Such appraisal of the activity of the Apostle of Nations by the Patriarch of Constantinople determined his own pastoral attitude. As a result of this one of the char- acteristic features of St. John Chrysostom’s preaching is the concern for the audience that accompanied the preacher of Antioch in his homiletic activity. Chrysostom was a master of words, a tutor always dedicated to his audience. This helped with his choice of themes, the topics he discussed or the choice of time in which he undertook particular deliberations. So, controversial texts didn’t give a chance for an insightful dogmatic analysis, although none of the topics were passed over. In other words he was concerned not only with what he would convey, but also when and how he would reach the topic with the audience. St. John Chrys- ostom was aware of the perceptual limitations of his audience hence his caution. Such an approach implies great caution in dealing with his works and at the same time explains why on the one hand some allusions in the commentary to particular parts of the Holy Scripture lack, as well as, the fact that all crucial topics have been discussed by the saint of Antioch. An example of this are the homilies to Corpus Paulinum, and especially the analyzed parts from St. John Chrysostom’s Homilies to the Epistle to the Hebrews.
EN
The aim of the article is to characterize the way in which John Chrysostom (ca. 347–407) presents the involvement of Christian women in caring for their appearance, admonishing them for excessive dressing. On the basis of the catechist’s numerous instructions contained in his homilies, commenting on the gospels and apostolic letters, Chrysostom’s arguments are presented, condemning such behavior of women, referring to religious justification and the principles regulating social life. Reading the quoted statements issued by Chrysostom, commenting on the wrong behavior of believers as well as specific recommendations for improvement addressed to them, allow us to become acquainted with the approach of Christian women to the issue of clothing and, more broadly, external appearance, on the example of the 4th-century Christian community.
PL
Celem artykułu jest scharakteryzowanie sposobu, w jaki Jan Chryzostom (ok. 347–407) przedstawia zaangażowanie chrześcijańskich kobiet w troskę o wygląd zewnętrzny, przestrzegając je przed nadmiernym strojeniem się. Na podstawie licznych pouczeń katechety, zawartych w jego homiliach, komentujących Ewangelie oraz Listy Apostolskie, zostały przedstawione argumenty Chryzostoma potępiające podobne zachowanie kobiet, odwołujące się do religijnego uzasadnienia, a także zasad regulujących życie społeczne. Lektura przytoczonych wypowiedzi Chryzostoma, komentujących niewłaściwe postępowanie wierzących, jak i konkretne zalecenia poprawy do nich skierowanych, pozwalają nam na zapoznanie się z podejściem chrześcijańskich kobiet do kwestii stroju i szerzej – wyglądu zewnętrznego, na przykładzie wspólnoty chrześcijańskiej z IV wieku.
EN
The present article discusses the revolt that broke out in Antioch in 387 because Emperor Theodosius the Great announced imposition of new taxes that were a considerable burden for all the citizens of Antioch. First, on the basis of John Chrysostom’s homilies belonging to the series Ad populum Antiochenum and Libanius’ speeches (especially Speech XIX) the course of events is presented. Then the arguments are presented that were used by the two authors when they tried to reconcile Theodosius and Antioch. The speakers showed that the people of Antioch are not solely responsible for the riots and that is why they should not be punished for insulting the emperor’s statues. They ardently put the blame for the rebellion on the traditional rhetoric „scapegoats” and they tried to convince the Emperor that he should show his forgiveness by restoring the signs of his patronage, like the emperor’s statues, baths, the hippodrome, theaters and the municipal status. Finally they laid responsibility on the „demon” - a supernatural power that could not fall under the competence of courts of justice. Analysis of Libanius’ speeches and John Chrysostom’s homilies as historical sources for research on the revolt of 387 is justified, despite their rhetoric nature. On the other hand, examining the misty subtexts found in those texts in the hope of identification of a particular individual or group responsible for instigating the rebellion becomes futile.
EN
John Chrysostom’s rich pastoral legacy also includes catechesis addressed to catechumens and newly baptized Christians. In the available catechetical instructions, we can see that he especially frequently refers to the vision of baptism as spiritual marriage. In such an understanding, Christ, the perfect Bridegroom, comes to marry the bride, the catechumen, and His initiative and unconditional love transform the sinful candidate with all his or her weaknesses; this is symbolized by the sparkling wedding gown mentioned by the catechist. This article presents the contexts in which John Chrysostom references this comparison and tries to respond to the question of why the author mentions the image of marriage in reference to the sacrament of baptism so frequently.
PL
Jan Chryzostom w swoim bogatym dorobku duszpasterskim pozostawił po sobie także katechezy skierowane do katechumenów i nowo ochrzczonych. W dostępnych pouczeniach katechetycznych możemy dostrzec, iż szczególnie często odwołuje się on do wizji chrztu jako duchowego małżeństwa. W takim rozumieniu Chrystus – doskonały oblubieniec – przychodzi poślubić oblubienicę – katechumena – a jego inicjatywa i bezwarunkowa miłość przemienia grzesznego i pełnego słabości kandydata, czego symbolem przywoływanym przez katechetę staje się także lśniąca szata weselna. Artykuł wskazuje konteksty, w których Jan Chryzostom przywołuje wskazane porównanie oraz próbuje odpowiedzieć na pytanie, skąd u autora tak liczne odwołania do obrazu małżeństwa w odniesieniu do sakramentu chrztu.
Vox Patrum
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2001
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tom 40
263-291
EN
In seiner seelsorgerischen Arbeit sterbte Johannes Chrysostomus nach der Christianisierung den allen Lebensgebieten. Das mit dem Alltagsleben zusammenhanglose Christentum war ftir ihn ein Schein, der mit dem Neuen Testament widerschprach. Er war ein Verfechter [ein Verkiinder] des Christentums als apostolische Reinlichkeit und KompromiBlosigkeit. In diesem Fall war die Seelsorge ein unaufhórliches Streben nach der Verbindung der allen LebensauBerungen mit dem Geist des Evangeliums.
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