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EN
Isaac Habrecht’s publication of the Hybernian Janua differs only slightly from the original text published in Salamanca. Comenius’s transformation of Habrecht’s text is on the other hand radical, both in the composition of the chosen vocabulary, and especially in concept and composition. It is a completely new text which uses its model only as an inspiration. Comenius himself is the author of another great transformation. He reorganised its 100 chapters and 1,000 sentences according to a reconsidered structure of the material discussed. In doing so he largely expanded the text, so the second version is over twice the original extension. Even stylistically, it is more complicated; simple sentences no longer predominate, being replaced by complex sentences in longer paragraphs. We also know several adaptations of Comenius’s Janua by other authors. Their common feature is again an increase in the vocabulary, for the most part in conflict with Comenius’s original requirements for the simplicity and accessibility of a text book intended for beginners. In his system of textbooks, Comenius later included Janua as the second level, preceding it with the Vestibulum.
DE
Die Umstände des Aufenthalts von Comenius in Ungarn sind in der internationalen Fachliteratur ziemlich bekannt; alle wichtigeren Comenius-Monographien (z. B. J. Kvačala, M. Blekastad, J. Kumpera, F. Karšai, G. Geréb usw.) widmen ihm ein selbständiges Kapitel. Nichtsdestoweniger hat Katalin S. Németh im Jahre 1997 behauptet, dass di ausländischen Forscher so gut wie keine Aufmerksamkeit den politischen Ideen des sich in Ungarn aufhaltenden Comenius und des ihn mehrmals besuchenden Mikuláš Drabík geschenkt hätten. Laut Katalin S. Németh ist dessen Grund in erster Linie darin zu suchen, dass die ausländischen Forscher die Ergebnisse der ungarischen Fachliteratur wegen der Sprachberriere nicht nutzbar machen könnten. Ein typisches Beispiel ist das 1992 in Wien gehaltene tschechisch-österreichische Comenius-Kolloquium (Jan Amos Comenius und die Politik seiner Zeit, Hrsg. Karlheinz Mack, Wien – München): keine von den im Sammelband beinhalteten Studien nimmt auf ungarische Verfasser Bezug, obwohl sich die Beiträge auch spezifisch mit Ungarn befassten. An dieser eigentümlichen Situation sind natürlich auch die ungarischen Forcher schuldig, da sie – abgesehen von einem Sammelband von 1973 (Comenius and Hungary, ed. by Éva Földes – István Mészáros, Budapest) – die Ergebnisse ihrer Forschungen fast ausschließlich auf Ungarisch veröffentlich haben. Unter Berücksichtigung der neuesten Forschungsergebnisse erweist der Autor, dass Ungarn und Siebenbürgen in den politischen Ideen von Comenius gar keine marginale Rolle spielten. Gleichzeitig unterstreicht er auch, dass die Konzeptionen der unmittelbaren politischen Teilnehmer und die von Comenius nicht immer übereinstimmten. Comenius und sein ganz Europa umspannender Kreis entwickelten eine eigenartige intellektuelle Ideologie, die des Autors Meinung nach von den professionellen Politikern nicht so ernst genommen wurde, wie es manche früheren Forschungen andeuten. Comenius wollte z. B. den Fürsten von Siebenbürgen, Georg II. Rákoczi dazu bereden, mit Hilfe der Türken und des westungarischen Hochadels (zunächst des kroatischen Bans Miklós Zrínyi) die ungarische Krone zu erlangen, aber weder der Fürst noch Zrínyi waren mit diesem Plan einverstanden. Comenius hat Ungarn auch nach seinem Aufbruch von Sárospatak nicht vergessen: in Amsterdam wurde er von zahlreichen ungarischen fahrenden Schülern aufgesucht (Péter Körmendi, János Nadányi, Mihály Tofeus usw.). Außerdem weist der Autor nach, dass Comenius auch in der Veröffentlichung der Biographie von Miklós Zrínyi im Jahre 1663 in London eine Rolle spielte. Daneben hat der Autor auch hervorgehoben, dass diese intellektuelle Ideologie – eine eigenartige Konzeption von Mitteleuropa, Habsburgerfeindlichkeit, Puritanismus und Türkenfreundlichkeit – kein dominierendes Element der zeitgenössischen politischen Strömungen war, sondern die zusammenhaltende Kraft einer Gruppe, die sich eben dadurch von anderen Komponenten der Gesellschaft abgrenzte. Diese Ideologie, die von einem politischen Gesichtspunkt aus betrachtet unter den damaligen Machtverhältnissen praktisch irreal war, hat versacht, dass – trotz der gesellschaftlichen und kulturellen Unterschiede – solche Mitglieder zur gleichen Zeit zur Gruppe gehörten, wie Comenius und Drabík, der nicht einmal Latein konnte (um nur diese zwei extremen Beispiele zu nennen). Die Ideologie hat also die Gruppe homogenisiert, die aus diesem ideologischen Kapital natürlicherweise auch politisches Kapital schlagen wollte, um dadurch wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Vorteile zu gewinnen. In diesem Übergangsprozesess benötigten sie die Persönlichkeit und Tätigkeit von Zrínyi, der die Möglichkeit hatte, sich einer – zwar sehr indirekt wirkenden – holländisch-englischen Propagandabewegung anzuschließen, und dadurch sein Wort hören zu lassen.
EN
Vives and Comenius had a significant influence on European thought and education. They set off from very similar starting points and arrived at kindred teachings. Both tried to reform society and both saw the best way to do so in upbringing and education conceived so as to benefit and bring harmony to individuals as well as to humankind as a whole. Their writings – on philosophy, pedagogy, ethics and the ‘universal reform of human affairs’ – appeared in numerous editions and were translated into many languages. The fact that Comenius was familiar with the work of the Spanish Humanist philosopher is evident in the references and citations he makes – particularly in Physicae synopsis, Didactica magna and Methodus lingvarum novissima – to J. L. Vives’ De tradendis disciplinis and Introductio ad sapientiam. A lifelong endeavour to bring about reform is apparent in the work of both learned men. They shared an interest in fostering peace and analysing the causes that bring about violence and war so as to prevent them – all in close relation to ethical and religious questions. Ethical issues and moral education are omnipresent in their work. As regards pedagogical reform, Vives opened new horizons thanks to the psychological foundations of his educational methods and Comenius produced an integrated, highly detailed framework for upbringing and education. He worked out a unified and exhaustive system comprising the subject matter to be taught, the organisation of instruction, schools and teaching methods and procedures. Both reformers emphasised the comprehensive and complex nature of education, which was to be adapted to the age of the student and his or her level of competence. The thought and teachings of both scholars rely on an empirical-rational approach. Vives – a prominent anti-scholastic humanist – stresses the strength of reason and rationality in education, criticising scholastic instruction with its mindless memorising. Comenius does the same, ascribing great significance to joining the sensory experience of things and events with a knowledge of their underpinnings. Both agreed on the need for a direct knowledge of real things on the basis of a student‘s own experience in which reason relies on its perceptions of those things – thus, they both took a stand against verbalism and scholasticism. Truth and certainty in knowledge depend upon the testimony of the senses. Instruction should take the form of illustration and demonstration, not verbal transmission. Educating young people should not entail teaching them words, phrases or assertions, but opening up their comprehensive faculties toward understanding things. The principle of illustration is the basis of knowledge for Vives as it is for Comenius; it is a teaching method, an approach which ensures the comprehensibility and permanence of education. For both reformers, languages – including the mother tongue – are tools for learning about the world, in the service of the real (reales) disciplines which deal with things (res). Vives and Comenius shared foundations, principles and stances with regard to epistemological and educational considerations as well as how they conceive of the world, basic human values, ideas on upbringing and education and principally as regards their efforts to bring about reform.
EN
The main aim of this article is not to present a (externally) complete overview of research into Comenius' life and work, but rather to explore some significant trends in Comeniology, particularly those which - in the field of purely historical doxography - attempt to comment on the completeness of Comenius' thinking and its possible universal application. In this context, the first question to be considered is that of whether modern Comeniologists have taken on board the 'core' of Comenius' pansophy - the integrity of his onto-triadic (or onto-trinitarian) conception of reality. The article is divided into ten sections which consider this problem in detail. Initially (in sections I/II), the thesis that Comenius is a 'modern', and for that reason 'ambiguous', thinker is discussed. It becomes clear that it is not Comenius, but his modern interpreters who (by introducing their own presuppositions into the Comenian texts) are in fact 'ambiguous'. From the methodological perspective, as is subsequently elucidated (V/VI), the phenomenological philosophy (which markedly predominates in contemporary Comeniology) brings with it specific problem whenever it gives rise to a search for a matching approach to the integral horizon of Comenius' pansophy. It does not, for example, offer any satisfactory possibility of describing the transition from theory to practice as a complete, internally differentiated process. Similar difficulties are encountered in the various attempts to reconstruct the basic triadism of Comenius' thought (VII). It would seem that a solution to this problem could be attained if originally ontological reflections are considered (VIII). Thanks to this metaphysical method it is possible to explain the sought-after completeness as 'onto-logo-ethical', as the completeness that dawns in the in-ec-con-sistent rhythm. As Comenius explains in his early work, the 'Dilucidatio', as well as in the framework of his lifelong investigation into the 'verus Catholicismus' (III/IV), the aforementioned method contains within itself a development of the analogical conception of reality, i.e. that which empowers us to discover the same basic structure in different fields of experience. From this, both detailed analysis and the resolute realisation of Comenius' posthumous 'Triertium catholicum' (IX/X) project follow as tasks for a 'post-modern' Comeniology that has overcome the many ambiguities of 'modern' thinking.
EN
Not many reports have survived which capture the pre-exile activity of Jan Amos Comenius, and his personal life in particular. A signifi cant number of them consist of brief retrospective communications preserved in some of Comenius's literary works and in his correspondence. The actual sources from the pre-White Mountain period make possible only a rough reconstruction of the basic milestones in his life, often only hypothetical (the question of his birthplace can be mentioned as an example). Somewhat more light is shed on this period by material from the Archive of Matouš Konečný, discovered in Mladá Boleslav in the summer of 2006. Included in it are letters from Jan Lanecký († 1626) to the Bishop of Mladá Boleslav, who was, between 1609–1620/1622, Matouš Konečný. As Bishop of the Přerov diocese, Lanecký was Comenius's immediate superior and at the same time his closest guide on the path to his priestly profession. An indivisible part of this process was the, at least partial, absolving of the theological study for which the novices of the Brethren's priesthood were sent to educational institutions abroad. Lanecký's letters supplement in interesting details the background to Comenius's stay in Herborn and Heidelberg, starting with the late departure of the Brethren students from Moravia and Bohemia because of the invasion of the Passau soldiers (1611). The letters capture in a very rounded way the chronic problems the students had with the fi nancial demands of the study, culminating in the indebtedness of several individuals, which became a heavy burden to them after their return to their native land. The letters also document the tension arising from the diff ering ideas of the students and the bishops about the content of the study itself, and its form. They provide valuable evidence for the motives of Comenius's journeys and his pleasure in the travel the students enjoyed in their free time. A number of new pieces of information relate to Comenius's activity in Moravia after 1614. Especially valuable are reports about Comenius's ordination as a deacon, which took place on 2 February 1616 in Prague, as well as Lanecký's communications about Comenius's literary beginnings: for example, clarifi cation about the authorship of the work Retuňk proti Antikristu [Warnings Against the Antichrist], and the reaction of the Brethren bishops to the origin of the work Theatrum universitatis rerum. Among the interesting matters which the new information about Comenius opportunely supplements are reports of two letters from the Ivančice Bishop Jiří Erast (from 1616 and 1618). They are evidence of a Brethren priest called Komenský, who was working in the Ivančice diocese in the time before the Uprising of the Bohemian Estates broke out. However, we know nothing more about his life or possible relationship to Jan Amos Comenius.
EN
The paper presents Christian Ambroży Kochlewski (1627–1647), a student of the educationalist Jan Amos Comenius, to whom the teacher dedicated his work Regulae vitae, in 1645. Christian and his cousin were sent to a school in Elbląg to study under the tutelage of the well-known teacher. This was prevented by some regulations of the school and town council, but after the intervention of Ambroży’s father – who had met Comenius and admired his work – the boys were allowed to become his students. The crowning achievement of the teaching and learning process was a work in which Comenius presents his views on life and gives some important advice and rules for a young man to follow. These concerned studying, travelling and leading an honest and noble life. Sadly, the young student died at the age of twenty. After his death a funeral sermon and a paper full of praise were written to commemorate the young and very promising nobleman. They were printed, and the text has been preserved and kept in the Wrocław University Library. The author of the sermon, Michał Matysewicz, who was the rector of the school in Kiejdany, described Christian as an intelligent, pious young man with great interest in studying. The text includes not only the tomb inscription and the epitaph for Christian, but also the epitaph for his father Piotr Kochlewski.
EN
The field of comparative literature has yet to consider in depth the connections between early modern Spain and Bohemia. This article discusses one of the most interesting aspects of this broader comparative theme: parallel motifs and themes in the works of J. A. Comenius and of Baltasar Gracian. The specialist literature has tackled this subject, but many of the questions regarding similarities between the two authors remained unanswered. The focus in this contribution is in particular on the similarities and differences between Comenius' 'Labyrinth of the World and Paradise of the Heart' and Gracian's 'El Criticon'. The style and structure of both works are described, and some of the typical problems of the Baroque mind - such as the critique of Humanism, the search for a practical philosophy and the tension between visions of the world as harmony and as chaos - are considered. These themes are, of course, more or less common to other writers of the period, and it is therefore suggested that sources which might have been used by both Comenius and Gracian are studied. An effort is made to trace the common textual influence of the Greek satirist Lucian of Samosata on both authors; this, however, remains a hypothesis, which might serve to provoke a more thorough investigation of the influence of Lucian on Renaissance and Baroque writers, and of his contribution to the origin of the modern novel.
EN
The Spanish humanist J. L. Vives (1492–1540) is the author of more than fifty writings of philosophical, historical, juridical, educational and theological orientation. Comenius (1592–1670) a century later demonstrated consciously and in a creative way a connection with many concepts in Vives’ work. We find the following points of contact concerning the reform of education and language learning: • Education is the task not only of the parents but also of society; at the very least, society should take care of schools and ensure the high-quality preparation of teachers; • Both devote an unusual attention to pre-school education; • The requirement of equality of opportunity for both sexes derives from the need to cultivate society as a whole, and thus is a political requirement; • The principle of auto-practice in teaching; • The linking of language and practical education, the parallelism of words and things; • Reflections on a universal language; • An identical theologically justified definition of human nature. The attempt to improve the state of society and the maintainence of peace was common to both. Their opinions of the value of peace, of the origins and consequences of its violation are very close; however, the direct influence of Vives on Comenius is in this case difficult to assume. The relationship can rather be explained by common biblical starting points and similar personal experiences of war. Comenius’ negative position vis-à-vis violence of every kind reached its strongest expression in the incomplete working text of Clamores Eliae (Elijah’s Outcries). Identically with Vives and Christian tradition, he sees the cause of wars in the fact that man has distanced himself and betrayed his nature and his mission, and tries to place himself on a level with God. Both regard pride and arrogance as a source of much evil. Vives and Comenius, each in his own way, gather many arguments to show that war is unfitting, not only in its material aspect but primarily from the moral and Christian point of view. For them, peace does not mean the mere laying aside of weapons; the condition of inner peace is the reconciliation of man with himself and with God. Through their emphasis on ethics both thinkers go beyond the vague pacifism of the humanists. They know that only the wise man can be a peaceful person. They agree in the definition of education as care for the soul, whose functioning rids man of roughness and wildness and lets him become truly human. In this way the circle is closed that links the need for education with the striving for the establishment of peaceful relations, pedagogy with politics.
EN
The author reacts to correspondence discovered and published by Gábor Kármán in Acta Comeniana 18 (XLII). Most of the letters date from the critical period before the outbreak of the war between Sweden and Poland in 1655, two more from 1656. Comenius, under the pseudonym Ulrich Neufeld, addresses his letters to the commander of the Swedish garrison in Sczecin, Lilienström, who then informs King Charles Gustav of news gained from Comenius and Václav Sadovský. The article sets the texts in their period context and draws attention to the role played by the administrator of Leszno J. G. Schlichting, who dispatched Comenius to the Swedish camp and influenced the writing of Comenius’s Panegyricus Carlo Gustavo. The author agrees with the editor of the letters that the information given by the Czech émigrés about the situation in Greater Poland and Royal Prussia to the Swedes corresponded essentially to the facts, but it was not unknown nor even very important.
EN
The aim of this article is to establish a relationship between the philosophical and pedagogical ideas of Montaigne and Comenius in the context of the origins of modern thought. The article is divided into six parts. The first part is about Montaigne, who criticises the pedantry and schools of his time. Schools cannot educate men such as the great men of the past because they have lost the understanding that the most important aim of education is to inform judgment and understanding, To form sages and not only savants, Montaigne proposes an education based on three main axes. First, the comprehensive education of both the body and the mind; second, the rationalisation of the educational process; third, experience and history as resources to achieve this. The purpose is to form a man with a developed sense of judgment who knows how well to live and well to die. For this reason, we must pay attention to men and things, and not only to books and words. The second part is about Comenius. The final objective of education is to partake of divine beatitude to the extent that in knowing the world, we will find reflected in it the image of God. Comenius also criticizes the schools of his time. His purpose is to create schools based in nature, that is, in the work of God. The third part is about the differences between Montaigne and Comenius. For Montaigne education should be individual and private; for Comenius, all should be educated together in a school. For Montaigne, the result of education is the happiness of man in his terrestrial life; for Comenius, it is eternal life. In the former the misery of man stands out; in the latter, his dignity. To sum up, they are separated by their different concepts of religion. The fourth part aims to fill the gap between Montaigne and Comenius and focuses on the role of education in works by Pierre Charron, Tommaso Campanella, Francis Bacon, Johann Heinrich Alsted and Wolfgang Ratke. Comenius follows the similar route as these authors. He defends experience and scientific knowledge; the focus on things; the use of reason to guide our life; the need to reform the educational system and the language learning; the integration of manual arts into the system of knowledge; and, finally, the unity of knowledge. The fifth part is again a comparison between Montaigne and Comenius. They coincide in two aspects. The first is the vindication of things over words. They propose an open attitude towards the world, in opposition to a sad, fruitless and painful education. Experience plays a fundamental role, since things can only be learned by doing them. For both authors, nature is a guide. The other common aspect is self-reformation. For Comenius, education implies three degrees: self-knowledge, self-control, and an inclination towards God. Montaigne coincides at least with self-knowledge and self-control. Comenian wisdom is based on piety, on the fact that God is a model of perfection. For Montaigne, instead, man with his own abilities has to establish a criterion of goodness. Both authors, beyond their coincidences and differences, belong to one of the currents of modern thought that hopes to integrate man into the cosmos, that does not see the world as estranged from the self, that does not split body and soul. In a way, both authors are separated from the Cartesian current, which disassociates the human being in the interest of the mathematising nature. The last part continues with a comparison, but in the area of language teaching. For both authors, language is a tool for reason. Montaigne does not work on a method of teaching, but shares with Comenius the necessity for words to be linked with comprehension and judgement. Both authors represent two moments in the early era of modern thinking and share one of the basic ways of criticizing the excess of verbalization, and defending the idea that man is a being in the world. According to Montaigne, the defence of reason and human experience is to open one’s attitude towards the world and to have an education focusing on the formation and freedom of judgement. This implies a systematization of education starting from the natural order. Comenius comes closer to the scientific spirit of modernity; Montaigne to the independence of human action.
EN
This study follows the author's previous research that pointed out to signifi cant similarities between the philosophical conceptions of Francesco Patrizi and those of Jan Amos Comenius. If we admit that the contents of Patrizi's greatest work Nova de universis philosophia did infl uence Comenius's thought in some respect, it raises the question of when Jan Amos encountered Patrizi's views. The question is the more topical when we consider that an indirect reference to Patrizi's work can be found in Comenius's treatise Conatuum pansophicorum dilucidatio, written several years before he travelled to London where, according to the present opinion of historians of philosophy, he became familiar with the contents of Nova de universis philosophia. The most probable mediator of Patrizi's work is Comenius's Herborn teacher Johann Heinrich Alsted. On the basis of an analysis of Alsted's works we come to the conclusion that even though he knew Patrizi's philosophical views, he took over and presented in his writings completely diff erent ideas from those which later infl uenced Jan Amos Comenius.
EN
The question of whether virtue can be taught had already been posed in antiquity and remains of interest to this day. Comenius’ pansophia, with its component elements of panharmonia and panchresia, answers the question in a way which combines antiquity and modernity. This essay breaks down Comenius’ solution, which has not yet received sufficient attention, into four steps: I. a comparison of Comenius and Francis Bacon; II. an analysis of Comenius’ Via lucis, Pampaedia, Pansophia Christiana and Pansophiae diatyposis; III. an interpretation of the revived classical Greek ideal of kalokagathia in the works of Comenius and later of Kant and J. F. Herbart; and IV. a reflection on the present-day significance of Comenius’ universalistic educational principle of omnes omnia omnino.
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Content available remote The Pansophia of Jan Amos Comenius with Regard to His Concept of Nature
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EN
This study deals with the concept of natura as it is presented in Comenius's Pansophia. Since Comenius's concept of nature is inseparable from his anthropological views, the paper discusses also his anthropology. Man is considered here an integral part of the material world which, however, through his immortal mind and its three infinite components surpasses the material world and rises above it. Man, especially in his limitlessness and freedom of human will, resembles God. The human individual thus becomes not only the creation of God, but the partner and collaborator of God, insofar as the process of completing the work of Creation is concerned. The outcomes of human activity are called the world of human creation, the world of morality and the world of the spirit, in which nature is brought to perfection. The final part of the study focuses on the concept of natura humana which is important in the whole Consultatio catholica, not only in the Pansophia. Despite all difficulties in interpretation, Comenius's concept of human nature can be reconstructed. According to Comenius the basis of human nature is the openness of human existence founded on the free and unrestricted will.
EN
The article is devoted to the Сomeniology studies of D. Chyzhevsky, famous Slavish researcher, literary critic and philosopher, the identification of pedagogical component in his views. The first research works of D. Chyzhevsky about the Czech teacher have been analyzed, the factors that contributed to his interest of J. A. Comenius’ heritage have been revealed. Comeniologic activity of D. Chyzhevsky in the University of Halle that is linked to the finding of J. A. Comenius’ pansofic work “General advice on the correction of human affairs” has been characterized. Having analyzed this work, D. Chyzhevsky concluded that it was not only philosophical and pedagogical work, which showed theoretically how to correct society but universal encyclopedic work. He stressed that in the pansofic ideas of Czech teacher the attention was focused on creating a connection between knowledge and human values, forming life path of the individual through the prism of improving society. Publication and interpretation by D. Chyzhevsky of discovered works of the famous scientist contributed to the viewing of his heritage, the new assessing of his pedagogical views. The author’s attention is paid to the analysis of D. Chyzhevsky’s works, which revealed the philosophical and pedagogical principles of pansofic ideas of J. A. Comenius and shown the role of moral and religious education in personal development. The attempt of complex research of the reception of Czech scientist’s pedagogical heritage in the works of the Ukrainian representative of humanities D. Chyzhevsky has been made. It was proved that his comeniologic activity was multifaceted and various: from archival searches and publication of unknown works of J. A. Comenius to the interpretation of his philosophical, religious, socio-political, pedagogical views, the disclosure of his personality as a prominent Slavic thinker, universal scientist of his time. It was found out that D. Chyzhevsky’s comeniology studies had enormous implications for the development of pedagogical ideas of the twentieth century. Promising areas of research are the study and analysis of those aspects of the epistolary heritage of the D. Chizhevsky concerning research works of J. A. Comenius, especially the identification of trends influence of contemporary comeniologists on the formation of his comeniologic views.
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