Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Islamophobia in Early and Contemporary America: Reproducing Myths in Slaves in Algiers (1794) and Argo (2012)

100%

Selim Y. F.

Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies

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2016

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nr 25/1

255-269

XX

This paper examines the representational practices in Susanna Haswell Rowson’s melodramatic comedy Slaves of Algiers, or, A struggle for Freedom (1794) and Ben Affleck’s thriller movie Argo (2012) claiming that both works, although historically distant, employ a similar repertoire of representations which repeat myths and stereotypes about the Islamic culture and people. Deploying Stuart Hall’s theory of representation and drawing on the historical and cultural contexts of the two works, the paper puts forward the argument that Islamophobia is a media-made myth which comes to the foreground in times of westernIslamic conflicts and which is regenerated through western xenophobic language and images that reiterate established cultural presuppositions.

2

Where the Wild Things Are: Fear of Islam and the Anti-Refugee Rhetoric in Hungary and in Poland

88%

Goździak E. M. , Márton P.

Central and Eastern European Migration Review

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2018

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tom 7

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nr 2

125-151

EN

Based on empirical research conducted in Hungary and Poland in 2016–2017, as well as on analysis of social media, blogs and newspaper articles, this article discusses Hungarian and Polish attitudes towards Muslims and Islam. Against a historical background, we analyse how the Hungarian and Polish governments responded to the large-scale influx of Muslim refugees during the 2015 ‘migration crisis’. The anti-immigrant narratives, fueled by both governments and the right-wing press, resulted in something akin to Islamophobia without Muslims. Instead of portraying the people arriving at the southern border of Europe as refugees seeking safety, they described the migration process in terms such as ‘raid’, ‘conquest’ and ‘penetration’. These narratives often implied that Muslims will combat Europe not only with terrorism but with the uteruses of their women, who will bear enough children to outnumber native Poles and Hungarians. The paper ends with a discussion of positive attempts to improve attitudes towards refugees in Poland and Hungary.

3

"I'm not anti-Muslim, I'm anti-Islam". Islamophobia as a members' accomplishment in political debate on talk radio

88%

Clifton J.

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nr 1

19-40

EN

Since 9/11, Islamophobia has been gaining the attention of scholars, and, increasingly, it is perceived to be an integral part of the emerging zeitgeist of the 21st century. However, the term itself is much debated and little consensus exists as to what it means. Using data drawn from political debate on talk radio between Nick Griffin, Chairman of the British National Party, and Abdul, a Muslim from Manchester and membership categorisation analysis as a methodology, this paper aims to reveal the category-work by which Islamophobia is achieved as a members’ accomplishment. Findings indicate that two versions of Islamophobia are talked into being. On the one hand, Griffin “does” Islamophobia through the operation of an adversarial standard relational pair Islam/West which operates within a membership categorisation device “worlds”, and so he achieves exclusion through cultural incompatibility. On the other hand, Abdul uses the membership categorisation device “race” within which the adversarial standard relational pair Muslim/Asian-White British is operative, and so he ascribes overt racist attitudes to Islamophobes.

4

Searching for the ‘Muslims’ in Czech Islamophobia and the effects of intergroup contact in challenging the ‘fear of the unknown’

88%

del Tronco C. G.

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nr 3

315-338

EN

Since at least 2014, cross-national surveys have measured the most negative attitudes towards 'Muslims' in the EU among Czech respondents. These attitudes have often been attributed to few contact opportunities with actual Muslims in the country and, thus, public overreliance on the highly negative representations of 'Muslims' in public discourse. However, empirical qualitative assessments of the stereotypes which guide many Czechs' anti-Muslim prejudice and the effects of intergroup contact have been neglected. In an epistemological shortcoming, the survey category 'Muslim' has often been treated as one of analysis rather than of practice. Contrarily, I argue that Czech participants' contingent understandings and racialisation of the category need to be reclaimed as the ontological basis of prejudice. In this study, I relied on the results of a larger constructionist thematic analysis of 31 semi-structured interviews with non-Muslim Czechs and, regardless of citizenship or ethnicity, Muslims living in Czechia conducted in 2020 and 2021. The results show that, in line with public discourse dynamics, 'Muslims' in Czechia are commonly understood as immigrants racialised through their perceived Arabness, Middle Easternness and non-Whiteness. Furthermore, perceptions of Western European 'Muslims' as highly conflictual are juxtaposed with the fragility of Czechia in the face of immigration. Against this backdrop, I examine the mechanisms through which intergroup contact enriches participants' social cognitions of 'Muslims' - namely, subgrouping, positive stereotyping, reduced perceived intergroup threat and anxiety, and (re-)humanisation.

5

Multicultural education in Estonia: why is it powerless in responding to islamophobia?

88%

Süld E.

Society Register

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2022

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tom 6

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nr 2

61-86

EN

The article discusses the extent to which the three multicultural learning strategies implemented to promote multiculturalism differ and how the initiatives takes into account religious differences and Islam. Methodologically, the article focuses on thematic content analysis of the three multicultural education projects. The thematic content analysis makes it possible to study what is being discussed in the multicultural context and how it is being interpreted through these ideas and concepts. The aim of these school projects is to create a common language environment and a new (well-integrated) national identity. Based on the Estonian super-secular society (less than 19% Estonians considered themselves to be a part of some congregation or religious), the peculiarities of religion orientation are not so much taken into account in these multicultural learning strategies and Islam occurs in connection with radicalism.

6

Caricature Images for Religious Profi ling: A Multimodal Analysis of Islamophobia in Selected Press Images

75%

Zaytoon H. A. R.

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nr 26/2

185-224

XX

The problem of religious profi ling and the increase of animosity, exclusion and maltreatment of Muslim minorities in the West have reached an unprecedented level in a community where racism and segregation are usually denounced. The paper investigates the concept of Islamophobia as presented in 25 selected caricature images, along with their accompanying texts, chosen from magazines and specialized cartoon websites. Multimodality and its related analytic tools are utilized for making explicit the interactive messages encoded within these caricature images. The theoretical framework upon which this study is conducted incorporates Halliday’s (1978) three metafunctions, and Kress and Van Leeuwen’s (1996) adaptation of them for the analysis of images and their captions.

7

Rasa i religia. Trajektorie antysemityzmu i islamofobii

63%

Bobako M.

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nr Rasa 3(13)/2014

37-56

PL

Artykuł jest próbą powiązania analizy historycznych form antysemityzmu z refleksją nad współczesną islamofobią. Jego celem jest odpowiedź na pytanie o to, czy, i jeśli tak, to w jakim zakresie, mamy w przypadku dyskursów antyislamskich do czynienia z mechanizmami etnicyzowania i urasowienia różnicy religijnej, które znane są z historii europejskiego antysemityzmu. W tekście zaproponowane są kryteria, na podstawie których pewne formy dyskursów antyislamskich mogą być zaklasyfikowane jako rasizm. Tezą autorki jest, iż taka klasyfikacja wymaga sproblematyzowania zarówno nowoczesnego europejskiego pojęcia „religii”, jak i relacji między „religią” i „rasą” jako kategoriami przynależności. Wspomniana problematyzacja dokonana jest w tekście w oparciu o antyesencjalistycznie zorientowane teorie z obszaru antropologii religii.

EN

The following paper is an attempt at linking analysis of the historical forms of antisemitism with examination of the present day European Islamophobia. Its goal is to answer a following question: to what extent are the historically known mechanisms of etnicization and racialization of religious difference of European antisemitism also present in the anti-Islamic discourses? In the paper there is a proposal of criteria that might serve as a basis for classification of particular anti-Islamic discourses as racism. The author claims that such classification requires problematizing both modern European concept of religion as well as relations between religion and race as categories of belonging. In the paper this task is performed by reference to anti-essentialist theories from a field of anthropology of religion.

8

The Spiritual Dimension of Education – Addressing Issues of Identity and Belonging

63%

de Souza M.

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nr 1

125-138

EN

In a shrinking world where events across the globe become relevant for the lives of masses of people regardless of the distances that divide them, some serious issues have arisen which have particular significance for education policies and practice. Too many children are growing up against a backdrop of polarised views and attitudes which is a cause for concern in many countries where societies are characterized by racial, cultural and religious diversity. This article explores some critical concepts that are pertinent to contemporary Australia and uses research findings and content analysis to problematize the issue. It argues that there is clear evidence that the health and wellbeing of children and young people is being affected by exposure to prejudicial attitudes which can be linked to the diversity that has become a sustaining feature of many contemporary societies and it has had serious consequences for their identity and sense of belonging. It proposes that one way of addressing these issues is through education that addresses the relational dimension of students’ lives which is expressed through their connectedness to all others, that is, their spiritual natures. Finally, it identifies some features of such an educational system.

9

Totalitarny islamizm czy totalny islam? Irracjonalny lęk czy uzasadniony strach? Mirosława Sadowskiego integralna i kontekstowa analiza szariatu

63%

Michalak R.

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nr 3

201-213

EN

In the article, the author presents his reflections on the publications of Mirosław Sadowski, the book Islam. Religia i prawo (Islam. Religion and law) and the article “Czy islam ma charakter totalitarny?” (Is Islam of a totalitarian nature?). The main references are the systemic nature of Islam (totalitarianism and total theocracy) and the problem of political correctness. The text elaborates on selected theses, characteristic of current research, which pays homage to selective analysis based on the paradigm of Islamophobia. The scientific narrative consisting of the reduction of complex phenomena to one code has been criticized.

10

Teachers-to-be and Islam. Has a change taken place?

51%

LENDZION J.

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nr 1

103-113

EN

The article contains a comparative analysis of the diagnostic survey results (in conjunction with the verbal fluency tool) conducted twice (June 2015 and 2016) among Jan Kochanowski University’s students, BA undergraduates, major of studies – pedagogics. The respondents have been the students of Early and Preschool Education Faculty. In accordance with the teachers training standards, those who obtain bachelor degree are regarded fully-qualified teachers. The research-project presented in this article was carried out in diversified socio-political circumstances when it comes to relations with refugees and migrants, especially Muslims follower. In June of 2015 it was almost certain that graduates who start working at schools or kindergartens would meet representatives of foreign cultures and religion – students / pupils and their parents. It was assumed that this group would also comprise Muslims, as the result of the European Commission’s schemes under which specific numbers of refugees (the so-called “quotas”), mainly from North African countries were to be to relocated into the EU Member States. At that time the author’s intention was to examine whether students were ready to accept the “others” and what was the student’s basic knowledge about Islam. The author also wanted to examine the students’ attitudes in the context of pedagogical work and private life. The changes in the Polish political arena, news-front-page incident (like the attack on Paris-based “Charlie Hebdo” editorial office) which involved Muslims (e.g. New Year’s Eve in Cologne) triggered an (un)expected change. Poland revoked its consent for immigrants relocation. The media openly “bombarded” viewers with information about how dangerous Islam might be. In this situation, the author became interested in how much the-then teacher-candidates had changed fundamental knowledge and attitudes towards the Allah followers as well as their opinion on Europeans’ attitude towards Muslims. The research results supported with theoretical considerations are described in the article.

PL

Artykuł zawiera analizę porównawczą wyników sondażu diagnostycznego (w połączeniu z narzędziem fluencji werbalnej) przeprowadzonego dwukrotnie (czerwiec 2015 i 2016) wśród studentów Uniwersytetu Jana Kochanowskiego w Kielcach kończących nauczycielskie studia licencjackie na kierunku pedagogika. W przypadku badanych – studentów specjalności Edukacja wczesnoszkolna i przedszkolna, zgodnie z obowiązującymi standardami kształcenia nauczycieli, wraz z uzyskaniem tytułu licencjata stają się oni pełnoprawnymi nauczycielami. Prezentowane tu badania przebiegały w zróżnicowanych okolicznościach społeczno-politycznych dotyczących uchodźców i migrantów, szczególnie wyznawców islamu. W czerwcu 2015 r. było niemal pewne, że absolwenci podejmujący pracę w szkole bądź przedszkolu spotkają na swej drodze zawodowej ucznia/wychowanka i jego rodziców – przedstawicieli obcej kultury i religii. Zakładano, że w grupie tej znajdą się również wyznawcy islamu. Świadczyły o tym ustalenia Komisji Europejskiej w sprawie przyjęcia przez kraje członkowskie określonych liczb („kwot”) uchodźców przybywających na nasz kontynent, głównie z krajów Afryki Północnej. Intencją autorki było wówczas poznanie gotowości studentów na przyjęcie „innego”, ich podstawowej wiedzy na temat islamu oraz stosunku do jego wyznawców zarówno w aspekcie pracy pedagogicznej, jak i życia prywatnego. Wraz ze zmianami na polskiej arenie politycznej, wobec kolejnych (po ataku na m.in. redakcję „Charlie Hebdo” w Paryżu) głośnych wydarzeń z udziałem muzułmanów (np. noc sylwestrowa w Kolonii) nastąpił (nie)spodziewany zwrot. Zgoda na przybycie do Polski imigrantów została wycofana. Media wręcz „bombardowały” informacjami na temat niebezpiecznego islamu. W tej sytuacji autorkę zainteresowało, na ile wśród kolejnego rocznika kandydatów na nauczycieli zmieniła się podstawowa wiedza o tej religii, ich nastawienie do wyznawców Allaha oraz opinia na temat stosunku Europejczyków do nich. Wyniki badań, na tle rozważań teoretycznych, opisuje poniższy artykuł.

11

Islamophobia in Poland in the Context of the Migration Crisis in Europe

51%

Balicki J.

Ecumeny and Law

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2021

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tom 9

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nr 1

117-140

FR

Les sondages d’opinion publique internationaux montrent que l’un des niveaux les plus élevés de peur de l’islam en Europe est apparu en Pologne lors de la crise migratoire en 2015. Cela s’est produit malgré le fait que la Pologne est l’un des pays avec le plus faible pourcentage de musulmans dans l’Union européenne par rapport à la population du pays ; environ 30 mille de Musulmans par rapport à 38,5 millions d’habitants (0,1%). Cette condition peut donc être décrite par le terme d’islamophobie, qui est souvent utilisé dans la littérature des sciences sociales et politiques. Le but de cet article est d’essayer d’expliquer les raisons d’un tel niveau de peur des immigrés des pays musulmans en Pologne et l’attitude négative envers l’islam en tant que religion. En même temps, cette attitude est contraire à l’enseignement de l’Église catholique, avec laquelle la société polonaise s’identifie largement. L’article se compose de trois parties. La première partie présente la réponse des États membres de l’UE à la crise migratoire en Europe. La deuxième partie analyse la position de la coalition politique, la Droite Unie, en Pologne vis-à-vis des immigrés et des réfugiés des pays musulmans. La troisième partie, en revanche, confronte la position de la Droite Unie sur l’islam à l’enseignement de l’Église catholique.

PL

The high level of fear of Islam in Poland arose in spite of the fact that Poland has very few Muslims, just 0.1% of the population. This phenomenon began to surface in 2004, after Poland’s accession to the EU but grew considerably in 2015, during the so-called migration crisis in Europe. Public opinion polls indicate that it can be described by the term “Islamophobia”, which is often used in the literature of social and political sciences. The aim of the article is to explain the reasons for such a high level of fear of Muslims in Poland and the negative attitude towards Islam, given that it is contrary to the teaching of the Catholic Church, with which Polish society mostly identifies. The article consists of three parts. Part one presents the reaction of the EU Member States to the migration crisis in Europe. The second part analyzes the position of the United Right (Pol. Zjednoczona Prawica) political coalition in Poland, towards immigrants and refugees from Muslim countries. Part three confronts the stands of the United Right in Poland and the position of the Catholic Church towards Islam.

12

Współczesny kryzys migracyjny. Wyzwania dla Kościoła

45%

Balicki J.

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tom 12

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nr 1(21)

9-27

EN

The aim of this article is to draw attention to the challenges facing the Church in the current migration crisis in Europe, in the context of the debate on the admission of illegal immigrants and refugees arriving in Europe and the related social and cultural security.The article consists of three parts. The first is the historical dimension of migration and exile in Europe and the world. The second part presents the attitude of European societies to immigrants and refugees. Part three deals with current migration and refugee challenges for the Church. Conclusions: In the debate on the contemporary influx of immigrants to Europe, we cannot forget the mass emigration from Europe in the nineteenth century, the first half of the 20th century, and refugees connected with the First and Second World Wars. Catholic Church in Poland should address firstly the lack of solidarity found between the EU states in addressing the problems of the migration crisis; secondly the attitude of Christians, which is not always in line with the teachings of the second Vatican Council, towards Muslims who seek to reach Europe from poor or conflicted regions.

PL

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba zwrócenia uwagi na wyzwania, jakie stawia przed Kościołem obecny kryzys migracyjny w Europie, w kontekście debaty na temat przyjmowania nielegalnych imigrantów i uchodźców przybywających do Europy oraz związanego z tym bezpieczeństwa społecznego i kulturowego. Artykuł składa się z trzech części. W pierwszej omówione są migracje oraz uchodźstwo w świecie i w Europie w wymiarze historycznym. Część druga prezentuje stosunek społeczeństw Europy do imigrantów i uchodźców. Część trzecia zajmuje się obecnymi migracjami i uchodźstwem jako wyzwaniami dla Kościoła. Wnioski: W debacie o współczesnym napływie imigrantów do Europy nie można zapominać o masowych emigracjach z Europy w XIX w., pierwszej połowie XX w. oraz o uchodźstwie w związku z I i II wojną światową. Kościół powinna zająć się ponadto brakiem solidarności państw tworzących UE we wspólnym rozwiązywaniu problemów kryzysu migracyjnego; dalekim od postaw chrześcijańskich stosunkiem do osób starających się dotrzeć do Europy z rejonów biednych czy objętych konfliktami oraz sprzecznym z nauką Soboru Watykańskiego II podejściem do muzułmanów.