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EN
The present paper discusses the key writer’s views of the Central Europe, referring to the problem of the symbolic divisions of Europe in opinion journalism and essays. It presents three main ways (cultural, political and social) of constructing the borders of Central Europe, and thus of Europe’s eastern border. The author focuses primarily on those publications in which the authors propose a redefinition of borders in Central Europe. She refers, amongst others, to the texts of Milan Kundera, Chantal Delsol, Alain Finkielkraut, Simona Škrabec, Vittorio Strada, Andrzej Stasiuk, and Yuri Andrukhovych. She also describe and deconstructs the myth of “unique geographical location which shaping the identity of Central Europe”, emerging from the texts of the writers mentioned above.
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Content available remote „Železná opona“ jako české místo paměti
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EN
The article analyses the “Iron Curtain” as a Czech site of memory. The official communist narrative denied the Western term “Iron Curtain” and asserted the legalistic argumentation of “state borders protection” supported by nationalistic and ideological arguments. After the fall of the regime in 1989 and the opening of the state borders, the Western “Iron Curtain” paradigm was adopted by the democratizing Czech society whereas the communist narrative became marginalised. It did not disappear, though, and both interpretations, the “Iron Curtain” as a central part of the new mainstream discourse and the “state border protection” as a peripheral part of post-communist memory, have remained alive side by side.
EN
Despite Italy participating in the western alliance during the Cold War, anticommunism is quite absent from Italian movies. Any explicit criticism of the Soviet regime is a rarity in Italian cinema of the early Cold War period as well. The Soviet regime is never denounced as a totalitarian state, and seldom approached in a critical manner. Rare examples of films containing criticism of the Soviet Union usually faced difficulties at the level of development, censorship, and distribution. Surprisingly, this issue is not tackled by Italian film studies, and particularly by those focusing on censorship. This article addresses the issue of philosovietic mode of film censorship, the reason why it is misrepresented in film criticism and film history, and also the relevance of this issue in the current geopolitical situation.
EN
This article deals with the so-called Gemischte Gesellschaften (joint ventures), a special form of economic cooperation between the GDR and the West. Using the example of the Gemischte Gesellschaft of the foreign trade organization of Carl Zeiss Jena in London, the article outlines its foundation in the 1960s and its development from the 1970s to 1989. The article reveals that the Gemischte Gesellschaft was a comparably successful form of distribution for the VEB Carl Zeiss but also points out the different problems it faced. Furthermore, the article argues that the Gemischte Gesellschaften were a space of cooperation between West and East, but also assisted the GDR to assert its economic interests against the Western competition in capitalistic markets. The case study illustrates that in order to overcome the contradictions between cooperation and competition between East and West, control mechanisms were necessary to ensure that the interests of the socialist state were enforced within the Gemischte Gesellschaften.
EN
The article is a case study of a former military intelligence tower Havran located in Western Bohemia borderland in former Iron Curtain buffer zone. It is focused especially on process of shifting from a military installation, through a ruin, towards a lookout tower and an Iron Curtain memorial. The study is focused on changes of physical structures of the tower and content of the exhibition. The goals are to present an analysis of forming of special type of heritage, to review and discuss processes of the negotiating of the meaning of the landscape, demonstrated on the site with a tower. As methods we used historical archive research, review of internet fora and media articles as a specific data source for the change of the tower, for the exhibition currently located at the lookout tower we did basic qualitative content analysis.
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Content available remote Czech and Slovak exiles in Francoist Madrid and their Cold War (im)mobilities
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EN
This study deals with the issue of the Czech and Slovak anti-communist exile in Spain during the first two decades of the Cold War. With a focus on the (im)mobility of these exiles and its productive character, it questions the well-known nature of the Iron Curtain. Through an analysis of (infra)structures and fixities already existing and further developed by these émigrés in Madrid (contacts, institutions, communications media), this contribution works with the thesis of Michael David-Fox, who claims that this Cold War divide was rather semi-permeable (selectively permeable), as it maintained various gaps and loopholes on many levels. These led not only to the maintenance of contacts through this East-West barrier but also enabled fruitful activity and eventually (im)mobility to be carried out into, within and outside of Spain.
EN
Éva Eszter SzabóSchool of English and American StudiesDepartment of American Studies Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest Fence Walls: From the Iron Curtain to the US and Hungarian Border Barriers and the Emergence of Global Walls Abstract: This paper considers the resurgence of the Iron Curtain metaphor and its appropriateness in relation to the current border barriers in the US and the EU. It addresses the impact of the Iron Curtain both on Eastern Europe and on Western Europe, and it explores the legacy of this nearly hermetically sealed off borderland in the different border security and migration control approaches within the EU in the current era of emerging global walls. In my view, while the Iron Curtain metaphor is mistakenly applied to the current border barriers in the US and the EU alike, its legacy does contribute to the marked difference between Eastern and Western European attitudes and policies to the massive influx of migrants. From the Iron Curtain to the Hungarian border fence, the fence walls of the spatially identical border sections reflect not only the changing concepts of walls, but also the distinct historical experiences with migration. The current border barriers in Hungary and the EU, however, draw on the US–Mexican border barrier that aims to stop unauthorized entry while keeping the gates open in both directions for legal cross-border movement in contrast with the prison walls of the Iron Curtain.  Keywords: US-Mexican border barrier, Hungarian border fence, unauthorized migration, Eastern Europe, Cold War, Iron Curtain, border walls
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Content available Giulio Andreotti and the European balance
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EN
There has never been anyone like him in the history of the Italian Republic. A holder of public office since 1946, seven times Prime Minister and thirty-two times minister, Giulio Andreotti, who died in 2013 at the age of 94, has been the embodiment of power. Thanks to his extraordinary political longevity and record-breaking numbers, great attention has developed around him. Evidence of this is provided by a number of interesting historiographical works, which have been published especially after his death, and by the authentic cinematic case represented by Paolo Sorrentino's Il Divo. The very recent publication of his Secret Diaries, relating to the decade 1979-1989, has also contributed to shed new light on Andreotti's natural political vocation: diplomacy.In his opinion, it was essential for the development of solid international relations and for the enhancement of Italy's geopolitical peculiarities, respecting the bipolar dialectic, Atlantic loyalty and above all the European balance. The main goal of this paper is therefore to retrace Andreotti's activity in defense of the overall stability of the Old Continent, analyzing the distinctive features and inspirational motives of this policy of balance.
PL
Giulio Andreotti to postać wyjątkowa w całej historii Republiki Włoskiej. Od roku 1946, kiedy zaczął pełnić funkcje publiczne, siedmiokrotnie sprawował urząd premiera, natomiast stanowisko ministerialne obejmował aż 32 razy. Kiedy zmarł w 2013 r. w wieku 94 lat, był uosobieniem władzy. Dzięki jego niezwykłej politycznej długowieczności i osiągniętym wpływom, postać jego przyciąga zainteresowanie opinii publicznej i badaczy. Świadczy o tym szereg opracowań historiograficznych, które ukazały się zwłaszcza po jego śmierci, a także produkcja filmowa Il Divo Paolo Sorrentiniego. Niedawna publikacja jego tajnych pamiętników, odnoszących się do dekady 1979-1989, rzuciła nowe światło na prawdziwe powołanie polityczne Andreottiego, jakim była dyplomacja. W opinii Andreottiego jest to niezbędne narzędzie rozwoju stabilnych stosunków międzynarodowych, utrwalenia geopolitycznej specyfiki Włoch, pozwalające jednocześnie na uwzględnienie interesów wielkich mocarstw, zachowanie lojalności atlantyckiej, a zwłaszcza utrzymanie równowagi sił w Europie. Głównym celem niniejszego artykułu jest zatem prześledzenie działań Andreottiego mających na celu obronę stabilności politycznej Europy, oraz analiza charakterystycznych cech i inspirujących motywów prowadzonej przez niego “polityki równowagi”.
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Content available remote Etnologie studené války v České republice: témata, přístupy, metody
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EN
Even though the Cold War did not spill over into a real armed confrontation, some features of its development as well as consequences, felt up to now, can be compared with “real” war conflicts. Ethnologists in a number of European countries pay attention to the Cold War, for example through the research on collectiveand individual memory bound to the course of the War; they study the life of local communities strongly affected by the War; they explore the narrativity relating to the Cold War; also approaches in terms of anthropologyof landscape are very strong. The Cold War was not understood as a relevant ethnological theme in the CzechRepublic after 1989, and for this reason, the research on it has been “governed” either by different enthusiastic, semi-amateur or directly activistic fellowships, or the research itself has developedunder the wings of other disciplines (especially archaeology and history). The theoretical-methodological contribution introduces possible bases for the ethnological research into the Cold War in the Czech Republic, draws attention to the running researches and mainly sketches the basic thematic circles the future research could deal with.
PL
The Iron Curtain as an Aspect of the Sovietisation of Eastern Europe in 1949–1953Sovietisation of Eastern Europe by the Soviet Union at the turn of the 1950s was a consequence of the division of Europe and strengthened the so-called Iron Curtain. The restrictions of the Iron Curtain included the ban on all travel to the West, except of delegations of sportsmen and some of the members of security services of those countries. Rapid Sovietisation made the nations subjected by the Soviet Union realise how helpless they were and how impossible it was to oppose such a reign of permanent terror of all social groups hostile to communism. Societies became apathetic, passive and submissive to the USSR, seeing it as the only possibility of existence. It is related to one of principal purposes of Sovietisation at the end of the Stalinist period, quite oft en neglected: its consequences for the social development of subsequent generations of indoctrinated societies. The period of Iron Curtain led to the growing civilisation and mentality distance between East-European countries and the West. The implementation of the Marshall Plan and some basis of economic integration of the countries members of the European Coal and Steel Community in the 1950s contributed to an enormous rise of the standard of living, contrary to the states under communist control. For many decades Sovietisation destroyed the generations able to criticise the authorities, but also willing to cooperate with the state. It contributed to a multi-layered demoralisation of societies. Some of social customs of those times, such as robbing the state through tax avoidance or embezzlement of public money through obtaining social allowances under false pretence, are still present in contemporary post-communist states. Taking of some features of the Russian despotism, such as mistrust, envy, contempt for the weak, or egoism, perpetuated many stereotypes of people from Eastern Europe. The division of the world made by the Big Three and sealed during the Stalinist period made it impossible for the Eastern European nations to know new currents of thoughts, and significantly limited their sense of independence and ability to make independent decisions. Consequences of this process are still present in various dimensions of socio-cultural and political life. “Железный занавес“ как аспект советизации Восточной Европы в 1949–1953 гг.Советизация Восточной Европы Советским Союзом на рубеже 40-х и 50-х гг. произошла от совершившегося раздела Европы и она укрепляла «железный занавес”. В обсуждаемом мною временном промежутке все сильнейшая замкнутость Восточного блока на Запад проявлялась также в запрете всех поездок на Запад, за исключением командировок – спортивных и некоторых представителей служб безопасности данных государств. Бурный ход советизации открыл глаза нациям, завоеванным СССР, на их бессилие и невозможность сопротивляться перманентному террору по отношению ко всем социальным группам, выступавшим против коммунизма. Общества становились апатичными, пассивными и послушными СССР, усматривая в таком поведении возможность дальнейшего существования. Это связано с одной из основных целей советизации конца периода сталинизма, о которой сегодня часто умалчивается. Я имею в виду ее последствия для общественного развития очередных генераций индоктринированных обществ. Период «железного занавеса” углубил пропасть между восточно-европейскими странами также в цивилизационной, экономической и ментальной сферах. Принятие Плана Маршалла, а также введение основ экономической интеграции стран ЕОУС в 1950-х гг. сделали возможным невиданное повышение стандартов жизни для Западной Европы в отличие от государств, остававшихся под коммунистическим контролем. Советизация перечеркнула также на многие десятилетия формирование наций способных к критике власти, но и готовых на сотрудничество с государством. Она повлекла за собой многослойную деморализацию обществ. Перенятые тогда общественные нравы обворовывания государства м.пр. путем неуплаты налогов или выманивания социальных пособий, не соответствуя определенным требованиям – часто присутствуют в общественном пространстве посткоммунистических государств. Заимствование некоторых особенностей российского деспотизма, как недоверие, зависть, презрение к более слабым или эгоизм, закрепило существование многих стереотипов, касающихся жителей Восточной Европы. Свершившийся во время встреч Большой Тройки, a закрепленный в сталинский период раздел мира усложнял, а иногда препятствовал восточно-европейским нациям ознакомлению с новыми мыслительными течениями и значительно ограничил чувство самостоятельности и независимости принятия решений. Последствия этого процесса присутствуют и сегодня в разных измерениях общественно-культурной и политической жизни.
XX
Twórczość Augustyna Blocha nosi piętno swoistej dychotomii. Z jednej strony pojawiają się w niej wątki żartobliwe, podszyte autoironią i humorem, z drugiej zaś głęboko refleksyjne, naznaczone piętnem lęku przed śmiercią, poruszające problematykę sensu ludzkiej egzystencji. W tym nurcie muzyki na wskroś poważnej kompozytor podejmuje także próbę rozliczenia się z traumatycznymi przeżyciami czasu wojny, zaznacza swój sprzeciw wobec zakłamania komunistycznego reżimu. Dotyka tak istotnych wątków, jak nienaruszalność godności jednostki ludzkiej oraz prawa narodu do samostanowienia. Tematyka utworów Blocha sytuujących się w tym nurcie ma dwojakie źródło. Z jednej strony są to przemyślenia wyrastające z tradycji religijnej, tu kompozytor wprost odwołuje się do istoty Boga, wykorzystując teksty modlitewne i biblijne – np. Ajelet córka Jeftego, Albowiem nadejdzie światłość Twoja, Nie zabijaj! Z drugiej zaś refleksje twórcy podążają ścieżką na wskroś świecką, bazującą na poezji i filozofii egzystencjalnej – np. Espressioni, Wordsworth Songs. Oba zakresy tematyczne przemyśleń kompozytora, które odwołują się do sensu istnienia jednostki uwikłanej w sytuację graniczną, uzupełnia tematyka patriotyczna w takich utworach, jak: Poemat o Warszawie, Oratorium, czy wspomniane już wcześniej Nie zabijaj! Te trzy dzieła dobitnie komentują dramatyczne wydarzenia historyczne: tragedię osamotnionych w walce powstańców warszawskich, wprowadzenie stanu wojennego oraz zabójstwo księdza Jerzego Popiełuszki. Te osobiste doświadczenia mają swój szerszy wymiar w kontekście pokoleniowym. Niszczące działanie wojennej traumy, kolejne lata spędzone w zawłaszczającym wszelką indywidualność reżimie, stały się udziałem całej generacji.
EN
The works of Augustyn Bloch bear the mark of a specific dichotomy. On the one hand, there appear humorous themes, lined with self-irony and humour, and on the other hand deeply reflective, marked by the stigma of fear of death, touching the issue of the sense of human existence. In this trend of thoroughly composing music, the composer also attempts to account for the traumatic experiences of wartime, he points out his opposition to the deception of the communist regime. The themes of Bloch’s works in this trend have a double source. On the one hand, these are thoughts arising from the religious tradition. Here the composer simply refers to the essence of God by using prayer and biblical texts – e.g. Ajelet, daughter of Jephthah, For Your light will come, Do not kill! On the other hand, the creator’s reflections follow a completely secular path, based on existential poetry and philosophy – for example, Espressioni, Wordsworth Songs. Both thematic areas of the composer’s reflections that refer to the meaning of an individual entangled in the border situation are complemented by the patriotic theme in such works as: Poem about Warsaw, Oratory, or the already mentioned Do not kill! These three works emphatically comment on dramatic historical events: the tragedy of the Warsaw Insurgents who were alone in the fight, the introduction of martial law and the murder of Father Jerzy Popiełuszko.
PL
Filmowa konfrontacja „na granicy” w czasach zimnej wojny była zarówno rzeczywista, jak i symboliczna. Nierzadko posługiwano się w niej także jedną z bardziej wyrazistych metafor konfrontacji politycznej – żelazną kurtyną. Produkcje filmowe obrazujące to zjawisko dotyczą nie tylko przejawów inkluzji i ekskluzji, procesów przebiegających niejako równolegle do granic systemowych, ale także samego problemu anulowania żelaznej kurtyny, a więc ukazywania jej swoistej przepuszczalności. Szczególnie wyraźnie widać to w specyficznym „trójkącie politycznym” – w relacjach między dwoma państwami niemieckimi a PRL-em. W RFN Polska była postrzegana jako klucz do bloku wschodniego, w NRD – jako potencjalne zagrożenie, ponieważ zarówno w Niemczech Zachodnich, jak i Wschodnich uważano ją za mniej lojalną wobec systemu, a wręcz za liberalną. Autorka artykułu obrazuje tę problematykę na przykładzie wybranych produkcji filmowych i telewizyjnych, poruszając w szczególności kwestię przepuszczalności i (nie)przekraczalności żelaznej kurtyny, zamkniętej granicy czy muru, wzniesionego w samym środku Berlina w 1961 roku oraz roli, jaką w tym kontekście odgrywać miała bądź odegrała Polska.
EN
he cinematic confrontation with the Cold War was both real and symbolic, and repeatedly concerned with the powerful metaphor of political confrontation-the Iron Curtain. The films did not only focus on phenomena of inclusion and exclusion along these system boundaries, but dealt also with the problem of how to overcome the Iron Curtain, i.e. with its permeability. This can be made particularly clear using the example of the German-German-Polish ménage à trois, since the relations between the two German states and the People’s Republic of Poland were specific in many respects. In the Federal Republic of Germany, Poland was seen as the key to the Eastern Bloc, in the GDR as a potential threat, since it was considered far less loyal to the Soviet system of power, downright libertarian, in both West and East Germany. Using a number of film examples, the article shows how the permeability and (in)surmountability of the Iron Curtain, which was literally carved in stone in the middle of Berlin in 1961, was addressed in these films and what role Poland played in this context. The change in the audio-visual representation of flight and transition through the Iron Curtain is traced in a comparative manner, with films for cinema and television being used equally.  
DE
Die filmische Auseinandersetzung mit dem Kalten Krieg war real und symbolisch immer wieder auch mit der wirkmächtigen Metapher der politischen Konfrontation, dem Eisernen Vorhang, befasst. Dabei galt das Filmschaffen nicht nur den Phänomenen von Inklusion und Exklusion entlang dieser Systemgrenze, sondern auch dem Problem der Überwindbarkeit des Eisernen Vorhanges, das heißt seiner Permeabilität. Besonders verdeutlichen lässt sich dies am Beispiel der deutsch-deutsch-polnischen Ménage à trois, waren die Beziehungen zwischen den beiden deutschen Staaten und der Volksrepublik Polen doch in vielerlei Hinsicht spezifisch. Polen galt in der Bundesrepublik als Schlüssel zum Ostblock, in der DDR als potenzielle Gefahr, da es – in West wie in Ostdeutschland – für weniger systemtreu, geradezu libertär gehalten wurde. Der Beitrag möchte anhand einiger Filmbeispiele zeigen, wie die Durchlässigkeit und (Un-)Überwindbarkeit des inmitten Berlins 1961 buchstäblich in Stein gemeißelten Eisernen Vorhanges im Film thematisiert wurde und welche Rolle hierbei Polen spielte bzw. Polen zugewiesen wurde. Dabei wird der Wandel der audiovisuellen Repräsentation von Flucht und Übergang durch den Eisernen Vorhang vergleichend nachgezeichnet, wobei gleichermaßen Filme für das Kino und das Fernsehen herangezogen werden sollen.  
EN
This essay is divided into two parts. The first part is an account of my own very personal impressions and memories of my encounter with Janusz Kuczynski’s vision of a “new form of universalism.” I focus on Kuczynski’s attempt to interpret “the meaning of recent history” in his day and times. This account does not aim at a definitive account of Kuczynski’s thinking but rather at my interpretation of what I consider to be the most promising and defensible version of his ideas. This is an account of my impressions as I remember them filtered through personal experiences over the past three decades. Other interpretations are possible and perhaps even necessary for a more complete account. The second part attempts to articulate what I consider to be the lasting relevance of those ideas. I attempt to say something about the meaning of “this moment in history,” unfolding in my place and in my times. I hope to point toward the lasting relevance of Kuczynski’s thinking by relying on those ideas to say something insightful about the ecological, social, and political events occurring as I write this essay, events that are shaped by a historical pandemic as my country erupts into massive political demonstrations seeking social and racial justice in my country.
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