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Porządek międzynarodowy. Parametry zmiany

100%

Rotfeld A. D.

nr 4

31-54

A new cooperative system that would reflect the complexity and interdependence of the modern world should be based on inherited peaceful transformation. It means in practice that the role of “old powers” will decrease, while the growing clout of “emerging powers” will increase. At present, a large number of players on the global stage do not accept political pluralism—neither democratic legitimacy of governance nor individual rights and freedoms. In effect, the emerging polycentric world political order is heterogeneous rather than homogenous. Mutual trust could be based not so much on establishing new institutions as creating conditions that would initiate target-oriented political dialogue and returning to the fundamental principles of international law and an agreed code of conduct. Unconventional challenges require the urgent need for adequate unconventional political and military strategies.

The shape of the international order: the case study of AUKUS

44%

Uz Zaman R. , Yasmin L.

tom 57

180-191

This article argues that in the 21st century, international order has not only become unstable but also shortterm in nature and issue-based, which has led to the emergence of a number of alliances whose functionality can be questioned. A number of alliances are being formed and are in existence but without any clear goals and objectives. This hypothesis is applied to understand the nature of the recently formed AUKUS-Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States’ alliance in the Indo-Pacific region. The paper, taking the framework of international order, argues that AUKUS would be one such alliance that has started with a lot of promises but its fundamental proposition to counter the rise of China in the Indo-Pacific region-although it does not mention the name of the country-is impractical. Given the economic rise of China as well as the example of the Five Eyes (FVEY) of intelligence sharing mechanism of the Anglophone countries formed during the early years of the Cold War, the AUKUS may survive the test of time but it also may exist as an example of the patterns of the current international order-that is another alliance without a clear path. This article also takes into account of the reaction of the Southeast Asian nations and criticisms against AUKUS in Australia. It points out how Australia’s security should be viewed more comprehensively.

The EU as a Global Actor: The Signiﬁcance of Changes in the World Order From 2004 to 2024 as Regards EU Actorness

38%

Bojinović Fenko A. , Brsakoska-Bazerkoska J.

nr 2

7-26

Contrary to the prevalent focus on the EU’s capabilities, this article analyses the implications for the EU’s global actorness stemming from changes in the world order. These changes are elaborated upon according to Hettne’s (2005) three-dimensional analysis of the world order, namely, its structure, mode of governance, and form of legitimisation from 2004 when the CEE countries became EU members, to 20 years into their membership in 2024. The main changes of the world order are identiﬁed as: the evolving multipolar international system; a transition from multilateralism towards plurilateralism; and the sporadic unilateral actions and delegitimisation of liberal world order alongside instances of the major powers’ disregard of international law. The article then elucidates the impact of these changes on EU actorness via illustrative case studies of issues dealt within the UN system and the WTO, namely, international trade, sustainable development, climate change, and international peace and security. Findings show that ﬁrstly, in an evolving multipolar international system, the EU aligns strongly with the US which maintains central power in security issues. Secondly, all case studies prove that the EU remains committed to transparent multilateralism. Thirdly, despite instances of increasing state-level disrespect of international law by the US, Russia, and China, the EU’s resolve and advocacy for international norms remains stable. The EU has managed to leverage its economic and normative capabilities along with its positive presence to exert legitimate leadership in, for example, digital trade agenda, the green transition, and artiﬁcial intelligence, but not in enlargement policy. And yet, the war in Ukraine has prompted the Union to bolster its military capability and upgrade its geopolitical strategy towards its neighbours. The authors conclude that the potential development of the EU’s defensive security capability – provided it is developed complementary to its unique market and normative power – offers an opportunity for the EU to reduce its capabilities/expectations gap and enhance its global actorness.