Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

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TRAGICKÁ POSTAVA PRVÉHO IZRAELSKÉHO KRÁĽA ŠAULA

100%

Jirkal E.

Studia Historica Nitriensia

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2016

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tom 20

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nr 1

17 – 29

EN

The contribution focuses on the early period of the first state of Israel at the end of the 10th century BC. It is based on literary and archaeological sources. Biblical text is extremely complex, multilayered and complicated. Therefore it should be considered extremely carefully. Saul was an important figure in the early history of Israel, which was able to create the first structure of the early state, but he could not resist multiple threats, whether from external enemies, especially the Philistines, or internal, e.g. David. Saul died on the battlefield and his dynasty ended after a few years.

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Neues Unterrichtsmaterial zum aktuellen Antisemitismus

100%

Wetzel J.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2010

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nr 2(14)

609-616

EN

Students are part of a society in which traditional anti-Semitic stereotypes today on the state of Israel and his government are projected. The lack of mediation of cognitive knowledge about the current anti-Semitism in schools and education increases the willingness to such stereotypes uncritically and to take any further. Conspiracy theories about the alleged complicity of Jews at least since the devastating events are 11th September again in 2001 at a premium.

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SPEAKING ABOUT THE UNSPEAKABLE: THE OTHER IN ISRAELI, PALESTINIAN AND ARAB LITERATURE ON THE EXAMPLE OF THREE NOVELS

100%

Marrouch R.

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2008

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tom 61

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nr 2

82-92

EN

Palestinian, Israeli and Arabic literatures have developed, for the past 60 years, in such a close geographic proximity, yet so far apart. Sixty years after the Nakba, and the establishment of the Israeli State, the battle of terminology continues not only bloodily on the ground, but also silently in literature. Despite many taboos, all three players are present in the others' literature, unnamed, untouched, and thus sometimes even more present. The authoress decided to analyze three novels. The first is by a great Palestinian writer Jabra Ibrahim J a b r a Gabra Ibrahim G a b r a, 'In Search of Walid Masoud' (Arab. Bahth' an Walid Mas'ud). The second is written by one of the most important Israeli writers of the so-called 'Statehood Generation' (1960s-1980s), A.B. Ye h o s h u a, 'The Lover'. Her third case is a novella story from modern Arabic literature, published only last year in Damascus 'Yawmiyyat Yahudi min Dimashq' by Ibrahim a l - D j a b i n. Through those authors the authoress tried to examine how 'the other' is portrayed. She has put the politics aside, and tried to see the Arab-Israeli conflict through a purely literary lens.

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UN SECURITY COUNCIL 242 – SOURCE OF LASTING ARAB BITTERNESS

100%

Sorby K. R.

Asian and African Studies

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2016

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tom 25

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nr 2

213 – 230

EN

The passage of Resolution 242 by the UN Security Council from the 22nd November 1967 was a major diplomatic achievement in the Arab-Israeli conflict. It emphasised “the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war” and contained the formula that has since underlain all peace initiatives – land for peace. In exchange for withdrawing from Egyptian, Jordanian, and Syrian territory captured in the 1967 war, Israel was promised peace by the Arab states. The resolution provides the basis on which the peace talks between Israel and the Arabs could be conducted.

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THE USA AND THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT OF 1991-2008. INSTRUMENTS, POSSIBILITIES AND LIMITATIONS OF THE AMERICAN MEDIATOR (USA wobec konfliktu izraelsko-palestynskiego 1991-2008. Instrumenty, mozliwosci i ograniczenia amerykanskiego mediatora)

88%

Fiedler R.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2009

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nr 1(330)

199-226

EN

At the beginning of the 1990s it seemed that the peace process in which the American mediator was engaged would lead to a final agreement between Israelis and Palestinians. Subsequent American administrations had at their disposal instruments that enabled them to influence the sides of the conflict, but the calming of the conflict depended mainly on Israelis and Palestinians themselves. The American side, however, had more understanding for the arguments of the Israeli governments than for Palestinian postulates. Even the personal involvement of President Clinton could not break the growing impasse during the summit at Camp David. The mediations were an evident failure as they did not bring a significant change in the optics of the conflict - mutual mistrust remained and did not disappear even after American diplomacy gave guarantees for Israel and Palestinian Autonomy. The 'road map' presented by President G.W. Bush, which was to create a broad framework for a future agreement did not lead to a breakthrough, similarly to the conference in Annapolis (November 2007). The Republican administration almost from the beginning approved the policy of the Israeli authorities and one-sided initiatives such as withdrawal from Gaza or the construction of the so-called security fence. The complicated situation aggravated further after the victory of Hamas in the election of 2006, not to mention the conflict of Israel and Hamas in Gaza at the turn of 2008/2009. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict will certainly require a more intensive mediatory involvement of the USA as part of a new American strategy towards the Near East.

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LIBANONSKÁ OBČIANSKA VOJNA, 1975 – 1976

88%

Sorby K.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

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2011

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tom 4

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nr 1

54 – 66

EN

In the years following the June 1967 War, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict intruded on Lebanese political life. This development, in combination with demographic and political changes taking place inside Lebanon itself, upset the country’s fragile sectarian balance and plunged it into fifteen years of vicious and destructive civil war. The civil war was not an exclusively Lebanese affair; it was precipitated by the Palestinian presence in the country and soon attracted external intervention by Syria and Israel, thus bringing to an end the attempts of Lebanon’s political leaders to insulate their country from the wider regional conflict. Support for the Palestinians came primarily from Muslims alienated by the existing system, which benefited the political leaders and their associates but failed to provide basic social services to broad sections of the population. The social and economic grievances of Muslims were compounded by the sectarian arrangements that continued to favour the country’s Christians. Long before the crisis of the 1970s, Lebanon’s political leaders recognized that Muslims outnumbered Christians and that the largest single religious grouping in the country was the Sh’ia Muslim community.

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PALESTINSKÝ KAIROS – MOMENT PRAVDY

88%

Děkanovská K.

Studia theologica

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2010

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tom 12

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nr 4

95-101

EN

The article deals with a document “Moment of truth: A word of faith, hope, and love from the heart of Palestinian suffering“, of the Palestinian Kairos initiative. It has a two-fold structure. In the first part it briefly presents the socio-political and theological context of Palestinian Christianity and focuses on recent activities of some foreign churches and church organisations which are working in Palestinian territory. It also highlights the importance of ecumenical activities in Palestine. The author further introduces the document itself, its structure and some significant features and compares it with earlier similar documents of South African churches and of Muslim representatives. The article also presents some reactions of churches and church organisations as well as some negative receptions. The second part includes the author‘s Czech translation of the document with some comments.

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TEL REKHESH EXCAVATIONS 2006-2009, ISRAEL (Badania archeologiczne na stanowisku Tel Rekhesh w Izraelu. Sezony w latach 2006-2009)

88%

Hasegawa S.

Sprawozdania Archeologiczne

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2010

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tom 62

413-438

EN

Tel Rekhesh located in the vicinity of Mt. Tabor, north Israel, is one of the two largest sites in the Lower Eastern Galilee and the only site that has a long settlement history of over 3,000 years. The excavation of the site was commenced in March 2006 by the Expedition for the Archaeology of the Land of Israel. The main aim of the excavation was to investigate the settlement history of the site in order to supply a lack of archaeological data for the Eastern Lower Galilee. Four main areas were excavated in order to achieve this aim: 1) the lower terrace; 2) the north-eastern edge of the acropolis ('gate' area); 3) the south-western and south-eastern edges of the acropolis; and 4) the southern slope. Approximately 820 square meters (fifty-one squares) were excavated over five seasons.

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SNAHA SÝRIE ZÍSKAŤ POSTAVENIE REGIONÁLNEJ MOCNOSTI NA BLÍZKOM VÝCHODE 1970 – 1976

88%

Sorby K.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

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2012

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tom 5

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nr 1

81 – 93

EN

The Arab defeat at the hands of Israel in the June War prompted a period of soul-searching throughout the Arab world and led, in the case of Syria, to the overthrow of the existing regime. In Syria Hāfiz al-Asad seized power in 1970 and his regime represented the rise of new elites of rural origins at the expense of the established urban politicians and merchants. The regime was authoritarian, basing its power on the military and the Bacth Party. The sole ruler held absolute power and became the object of a personality cult. The regime adopted socialist economic policies and stood for egalitarian reform. For Hāfiz al-Asad, the persistent conflict with Israel took precedence over all foreign policy considerations. He believed that it was Syria’s duty to resist the Israeli threat and work in the cause of Arab unity. His regional policy was popular in Syria and helped to solidify his domestic position during the early years of his rule. However, his embroilment in the Lebanese civil war undermined his reputation both at home and in the wider Arab world. On 18 October 1976, Syria and the PLO accepted a cease-fire drawn up by Arab heads of state, and the worst of the fighting came to a halt. The terms of the agreement provided for the stationing of an Arab deterrent force to maintain law and order. In reality, the force was composed almost exclusively of Syrian troops whose presence enabled Hāfiz al-Asad to continue his efforts to shape the Lebanese situation to suit the needs of Damascus. However, his forces had become bogged down in a costly and indecisive military occupation.