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EN
Following the economic crisis of 2007–2008, Hungarian politics turned dramatically to the right. In addition to the sweeping 2010 electoral victory of a two-thirds majority by the Fidesz party, a relatively recent upstart party, Jobbik, further yet to the right of Fidesz, also had a strong showing. This article explores the rise of Jobbik from deep nationalist, anti-Semitic and anti-Roma currents in Hungarian symbolic politics dating back to the last years of the 1980s and the early days of the 1990s. In its current form, Jobbik is more than a political party; through its direct action affiliates, its members engage in physical politics beyond the ballot box through acts of intimidation and violence. With its claims that it opposes liberalism, global capitalism, and Zionism, Jobbik is the face of a new illiberal politics in Europe that seeks to dismantle the project of the European Union.
EN
Hungary is usually not considered a country associated with terrorism. Having worked more than a decade in Hungarian public service, the author has often encountered statements that terrorism is even non-existent in Hungary. However, this may not be true any longer (if it ever was) due to the rise of the terrorist threat throughout Europe. In this paper, the author tries to take stock of the counter-terrorism provisions in Hungary’s criminal law, focusing on the question of whether the law is actually aligned with the relevant EU standards and whether it is able to handle the current threat. The conclusion is that both the law in force (although mostly in line with the relevant international standards) and the related practice of the authorities could be improved, taking into account the new nature of the terrorist threat Europe is facing.
EN
Hungary as a topic has been present in the German-speaking literature, although the 17th century represented a turning point of the perception of Hungary. At this time the war was a constant part in the everyday life of the society: firstly the Thirty Year’s War (1618–1648), secondly the English Civil War (1640–1688) and last but not least the great Turkish War in Hungary (1683–1699). So the domestic problems of these countries were discussed intensively in the international press. The home affairs of Hungary were a main topic in the German-speaking journals: in the portfolio of the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel approximately 1,500 titles can be found, which high-lighted Hungary, the Hungarian circumstances as the great Turkish War, Magnates’ Conspiracy or the Thököly-betray. Eberhard Werner Happel’s Der Ungarische Kriegs-Roman, which has 6 parts, is – due to its genre and length – a very special article in the HAB’s collection. Eberhard Werner Happel (1647–1690) was one of the most productive and hardworking author of the later baroque era, who was neglected in the German literature in the following decades and century. The following paper would like to introduce what kind of Hungaryimage Happel could create. The main question of this presentation is: how does Happel display the Thököly-betrayal? The international publicity was scandalized at this step and Thököly’s disloyal behavior was put forward. The intensive presence of these topics impressed Happel, who worked from secondary sources. So Thököly and his policy appear with a great focus in Happel’s novel and Hungary-image.
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EN
The aim of this article is to analyze the work of Augustinians in medieval Hungary and reasons and circumstances for establishing their own province. The beginnings of the work of the Augustinians was connected with the activities of the Order of Saint William. This is portrayed in the first part of this article. The oldest reference to the Augustinians dates back to the year 1242 prior to the establishment of the Order. It is not clear if they were hermits of Tuscany or from a different order. There are several other reports about Italian hermits. The second part is devoted to the establishment of the Order province in Hungary. Its establishment is vague. Several circumstances exist which supported its establishment. Although there were only a few monasteries, a great role was performed for the pastoral needs in the pagan environment of Hungary, mainly amongst the Cumans. The political environment is also taken into consideration. The most fortunate conditions were in the second half of the 1260s, prior to the death of King Béla IV or at the end of the 1270s when Hungary was visited by the pontifical legate Philip of Ferm. The province definitely existed at the beginning of the 14th century.
EN
This paper attempts to contribute to a better understanding of why a more systemic approach is needed when it comes to Hungary's eurozone accession. This study first dwells on the issue of its macroeconomic instability from a regional perspective by devoting attention to its "lagging" phenomenon, which requires a more holistic approach in supporting Hungary's eurozone accession process. Then it broadens the research canvas by emphasising that the challenges Hungary is facing today imply that the role of governance and the quality of the state are heavily appreciating. It argues that a prerequisite of eurozone accession is governance that is engaged in fostering public sector innovation in addressing old and new challenges with supporting sustained growth and development.
EN
The first part of the study reviews the debates about Hungary’s “Europeanness” and her place in Europe. It discusses Hungarian self-perceptions about history, socio-cultural character, and on whether the country is Central-European, East-European or South-East European. The second part summarizes the relationship between Hungary and the Balkans from 1918 until the Eastern enlargement of the EU, by focusing on aspects most important from the Hungarian perspective. These are the Hungarian-Yugoslavian (after 1991 Hungarian-Serbian), the Hungarian-Romanian relations and the question of minorities. Finally concludes by pointing to the present challenges in bilateral relations and underlines the perspectives opened by the euro-atlantic integration of the region.
EN
Introduction. The objective of this paper is to investigate the position of tourism in the committee structure of the local councils of Hungarian local governments. Material and methods. The data were sourced from websites of the settlements concerned and all the results obtained statistically evaluated using the method of descriptive statistics. Results. From the data available, we can clearly determine the role of tourism in the committees of local governments, as well as the direction of changes after the 2010 election. The results also clearly identified the factors that determine the role of tourism in local council committees and the sectors that constitute the same committees with tourism. Conclusions. The role of tourism in committees of local councils is fundamentally unfavourable and the situation deteriorated after the 2010 election. The role of tourism in committees of local councils is closely related to the size of the population and the role of tourism in the given settlements.
DE
Mit der Gutheißung Planes vom Finanzministerium trat die Sanierung der KVA in zweites Stadium. Die General-Versammlung der Aktionäre der KVA am 22. 6. 1915 genehmigte die einzelnen Vorlagen, daraufhin stimmte für den Ausgleich vor dem Kreisgericht in Königsgrätz (23. 9.) auch die Mehrheit der Bankgläubiger. Die Bank hatte am 1. 3. 1916 wieder normale Geschäftstätigkeit aufgenommen, leider fehlte ihr an Barmittel in Gestalt der versprochenen 6 Mill. K von der Staatskasse. Die allgemeine innen- und außenpolitische Lage war damals für Tschechen ungünstig (Verhaftung von K. Kramář, Auftreten des tschechischen Widerstandskampfes im Ausland, Beschuldigung der tschechischen Banken wegen der Sabotage der Kriegsanleihen, Gerichtsuntersuchung gegen Živnostenská banka, andererseits verbesserte Lage der Regierung – Durchbruch bei Gorlice, Niederlage Serbiens). Darüberhinaus kam in die Leitung des Finanzministeriums im Dezember 1915 neuer fähiger Mann – K. von Leth. Unter diesen Umständen suchte das Finanzministerium die Subvention für KVA hinauszuschieben bzw. kleiner gestalten. Erst im Mai 1916 wurde dieser Standpunkt revidiert und KVA bekam in zwei Raten die betreffenden 6 Mill. K. Ein Preis dafür war die erhöhte Kontrolle der Bank von oben: im August 1916 hat die Österreichisch-Ungarische Bank K. Srdinko, den Vorgesetzten seiner Nebenstelle in Königgrätz, zu ihrem Aufsichtsbeauftragter ernannt. Im Dezember 1916 kamen auch neue Leute in den Verwaltungsrat und das Direktorium der KVA. K. Srdinko konnte nach Wien 1916/17 melden, dass sich die finanzielle Lage der Bank zusehends stabilisierte. Die Besorgnisse erregte nur der bevorstehende Prozess gegen die ehemaligen Funktionäre der KVA. Die strafrechtliche Untersuchung gegen 28 Verwaltungsräte und Beamte der KVA wurde Ende 1914 vom Landesgericht und der Staatsanwaltschaft in Prag eingeleitet. Als Hauptbeschuldigte wurde JUDr. Fr. Ulrich, Vizepräsident des Verwaltungsrates und langjähriger Bürgermeister von Königgrätz, bezeichnet. So kam natürlich sein Abolitionsgesuch an neuen Kaiser Karl vom Januar 1917 ins Zentrum der Aufmerksamkeit. Er meinte, er sei unschuldig, weil ihm jedes böse Vorhaben fremd war und nicht bewiesen war, er in seiner Banktätigkeit immer uneigennützig vorgegangen war und in seiner öffentlichen Arbeit für die Stadt und die Monarchie unzählige Verdienste erreicht hatte. In demselben positiven Sinne sprachen sich für ihn auch mehrere Gutachten von Dr. Záveský, von Königgrätzer Bischof, von Militärkommandant in Leitmeritz, von Bezirkshauptmann in Königgrätz und hauptsächlich von Präsidium der Statthalterei in Prag aus. Ohne Rücksicht darauf nahm die Staatsanwaltschaft/Prag zum Ulrichs Abolitionsgesuch den negativen Standpunkt ein, demgegenüber die Oberstaatsanwaltschaft/Prag beantragte die Einstellung des ganzen Strafverfahrens. In dieser unschlüssiger Situation verschieb das Finanzministerium die Verantwortung auf das Justizministerium. Der dort beauftragte Referent richtete sich zuerst nach der Meinung der höchsten Prager Behörden, aber der Justizminister und die hohen Ministerialbeamte kamen Ende 1917 zu einem entgegengesetzten Entschluss. So wurde die ganze Causa bis zur Auflösung der Habsburgermonarchie nicht abgeschlossen. Erst im Januar 1919 gab die republikanische Staatsanwaltschaft/Prag den Anlass zur Einstellung des Gerichtsverfahrens. Das ermöglichte Dr. Ulrich ein Abolitionsgesuch an Präsident T. G. Masaryk zu stellen und dann bis 1929 im Amt des Bürgermeisters bleiben. Das weitere Schicksal der KVA war nicht so günstig. Sie blieb am Niveau einer Kleinbank und war froh im Wege der Fusion im Jahre 1923 in Česká průmyslová a hospodářská banka eingenommen werden.
EN
The Hungarians are supposed to fi rst have come into contact with Christianity back on the steppes of the Black Sea and then in the Carpathian Basin. Among potential centres, seeding the new faith among them, are local Christians. However, these were fi rst the Byzantine Empire, which sent a mission of Hierotheos, a bishop, and later the Western Empire, which patronised Church missions in the second half of the tenth century, that played the leading role in Hungarian Christianity. Eventually, the ruling Árpád dynasty were baptised in the Roman Rite. The actual builder of the Hungarian Church was St. Stephen, who was canonised less than fi fty years after his death. This shows the specifi city of Hungarian Christianity: a developed cult of saint rulers. Another distinguishing feature of this Central-Eastern European country was the existence of two metropolises: in Esztergom and Kalocsa. This was perhaps due to a wish to honour Astrik, who received the pallium as bishop of Kalocsa, replacing Sebastian, the Archbishop of Esztergom. At the end of the article, I compare the development of Christianity in Hungary and Poland until the end of the thirteenth century.
EN
Research background: Despite a widely acknowledged importance of intangible capital as the main driver of value creation, papers discussing corporate intangible investments tend to focus only on multinational companies, i.e. on headquarters (HQ). There are few papers scrutinising the specific attributes of intangible investments at manufacturing subsidiary level. This is, however, an important topic to investigate, since intangible investments can boost subsidiary upgrading. Intangible investments contribute to subsidiaries’ acquiring capabilities that allow them to enhance the scope of their responsibilities and specialise in increasingly high-value activities. Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore the features of intangible investment at MNCs’ manufacturing subsidiaries, on the example of Hungary. Research questions addressed are as follows. a) What exactly do local manufacturing subsidiaries invest in, when they implement intangible investments? b) Is there a difference between the role of intangible investments at MNC level and at manufacturing subsidiary level? c) What is the association between subsidiary-level intangible investments and upgrading? Methodology: We analyse a sample of 44 manufacturing subsidiaries in the Hungarian automotive and electronics industries. We carry out a qualitative content analysis of sample companies’ notes to their financial statements, complemented with other sources of corporate information. Findings: We find that intangible investments are aligned with subsidiaries’ functional specialisation: with operations. Their main role is to contribute to subsidiaries’ absorption of the headquarters’ technology transfer and enhance the productivity of the local core activities. This is sharply different from their traditional, MNC-level role: support to non-price competitiveness. We find support for the argument that subsidiary-level intangible investments and subsidiary upgrading are associated in a self-reinforcing virtuous circle.
DE
Die Umstände des Aufenthalts von Comenius in Ungarn sind in der internationalen Fachliteratur ziemlich bekannt; alle wichtigeren Comenius-Monographien (z. B. J. Kvačala, M. Blekastad, J. Kumpera, F. Karšai, G. Geréb usw.) widmen ihm ein selbständiges Kapitel. Nichtsdestoweniger hat Katalin S. Németh im Jahre 1997 behauptet, dass di ausländischen Forscher so gut wie keine Aufmerksamkeit den politischen Ideen des sich in Ungarn aufhaltenden Comenius und des ihn mehrmals besuchenden Mikuláš Drabík geschenkt hätten. Laut Katalin S. Németh ist dessen Grund in erster Linie darin zu suchen, dass die ausländischen Forscher die Ergebnisse der ungarischen Fachliteratur wegen der Sprachberriere nicht nutzbar machen könnten. Ein typisches Beispiel ist das 1992 in Wien gehaltene tschechisch-österreichische Comenius-Kolloquium (Jan Amos Comenius und die Politik seiner Zeit, Hrsg. Karlheinz Mack, Wien – München): keine von den im Sammelband beinhalteten Studien nimmt auf ungarische Verfasser Bezug, obwohl sich die Beiträge auch spezifisch mit Ungarn befassten. An dieser eigentümlichen Situation sind natürlich auch die ungarischen Forcher schuldig, da sie – abgesehen von einem Sammelband von 1973 (Comenius and Hungary, ed. by Éva Földes – István Mészáros, Budapest) – die Ergebnisse ihrer Forschungen fast ausschließlich auf Ungarisch veröffentlich haben. Unter Berücksichtigung der neuesten Forschungsergebnisse erweist der Autor, dass Ungarn und Siebenbürgen in den politischen Ideen von Comenius gar keine marginale Rolle spielten. Gleichzeitig unterstreicht er auch, dass die Konzeptionen der unmittelbaren politischen Teilnehmer und die von Comenius nicht immer übereinstimmten. Comenius und sein ganz Europa umspannender Kreis entwickelten eine eigenartige intellektuelle Ideologie, die des Autors Meinung nach von den professionellen Politikern nicht so ernst genommen wurde, wie es manche früheren Forschungen andeuten. Comenius wollte z. B. den Fürsten von Siebenbürgen, Georg II. Rákoczi dazu bereden, mit Hilfe der Türken und des westungarischen Hochadels (zunächst des kroatischen Bans Miklós Zrínyi) die ungarische Krone zu erlangen, aber weder der Fürst noch Zrínyi waren mit diesem Plan einverstanden. Comenius hat Ungarn auch nach seinem Aufbruch von Sárospatak nicht vergessen: in Amsterdam wurde er von zahlreichen ungarischen fahrenden Schülern aufgesucht (Péter Körmendi, János Nadányi, Mihály Tofeus usw.). Außerdem weist der Autor nach, dass Comenius auch in der Veröffentlichung der Biographie von Miklós Zrínyi im Jahre 1663 in London eine Rolle spielte. Daneben hat der Autor auch hervorgehoben, dass diese intellektuelle Ideologie – eine eigenartige Konzeption von Mitteleuropa, Habsburgerfeindlichkeit, Puritanismus und Türkenfreundlichkeit – kein dominierendes Element der zeitgenössischen politischen Strömungen war, sondern die zusammenhaltende Kraft einer Gruppe, die sich eben dadurch von anderen Komponenten der Gesellschaft abgrenzte. Diese Ideologie, die von einem politischen Gesichtspunkt aus betrachtet unter den damaligen Machtverhältnissen praktisch irreal war, hat versacht, dass – trotz der gesellschaftlichen und kulturellen Unterschiede – solche Mitglieder zur gleichen Zeit zur Gruppe gehörten, wie Comenius und Drabík, der nicht einmal Latein konnte (um nur diese zwei extremen Beispiele zu nennen). Die Ideologie hat also die Gruppe homogenisiert, die aus diesem ideologischen Kapital natürlicherweise auch politisches Kapital schlagen wollte, um dadurch wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Vorteile zu gewinnen. In diesem Übergangsprozesess benötigten sie die Persönlichkeit und Tätigkeit von Zrínyi, der die Möglichkeit hatte, sich einer – zwar sehr indirekt wirkenden – holländisch-englischen Propagandabewegung anzuschließen, und dadurch sein Wort hören zu lassen.
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Content available remote Hungary’s global opening to an interpolar world
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EN
This study wishes to contribute to the relatively limited circle of academic publications on Hungary’s foreign policy – in particular, in the second decade of the twenty‑first century. First, it looks at major foreign policy priorities since the change of the political system in 1989 and their maintenance in the country’s external affairs policy agenda, together with the omnipresent desire to get re‑positioned “rightly”, “back” into the international community. The intention of the authors is to investigate the validity and possible execution of a “global opening” in an increasingly “interpolar globality”, and therefore, to provide a detailed analysis of the Hungarian “turn towards to East”. The new foreign policy document of the country contains a re‑positioning of Hungarian presence in five priority regions of the world, among which emphasis has obviously been laid on Central Europe and the Visegrád Group. The paper offers a critical analysis of both the potentials and challenges of the global opening.
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Content available remote Rotorcraft aviation today in Hungary
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EN
In the paper a brief history of rotorcraft aviation development in Hungary in last 10 years is presented.
PL
Artykuł zawiera krótka historię rozwoju śmigłowców na Węgrzech w okresie ostatnich 10 lat.
EN
One of the most important segments of the post-1990 transformation of territory-based administration in Hungary was the changing of the geographical structure of deconcentrated state administrative organisations. The study, on the one hand, provides a brief overview of the history of deconcentrated state administrative organisations in Hungary, and discusses the regional characteristics of the organisational transformations after the political changes, taking six moments in time (the middle of 1994, 1998, 2002, 2006, 2010 and 2012 respectively) as the basis. On the other hand, using the same six snapshots in time, it examines which settlements experienced favourable or unfavourable changes, and what factors influenced the selection of the seats for these institutions. The results of the survey indicated that the alignment of territorial structure of deconcentrated state administrative organizations to the planning-statistical, NUTS 2 regions has already begun at the end of the 1990s. The government formed in 2006 took significant steps in the area of aligning the spatial structure of the organizations with the planning-statistical regions; however, in the period after 2010 the significance of the county level increased again. In the period examined, no significant changes took place at the top and at the bottom of the list according to the number of seats: the largest settlements of the individual regions reinforced their leading positions.
EN
The aim of this study is to present the basic methodological elements of the LEADER Community Initiative in rural development established in 1991 and its practical implementation in geography. The most important principle of the LEADER programme is the territorial approach and the appearance of local communities in a relevant subregional and landscape context. The determination and creation of a natural and cultural geographical framework is not at all an easy task, although the LEADER cautiously puts down basic principles and makes clear references to spatial definition of local action groups. The aim of LEADER I is to demonstrate the spatial segregation of these communities and to evolve a particular image and a kind of critical mass (population, resources) to build a relative self-sufficiency
EN
Hungary stepped on a very specific path two years into the Global Financial Crisis and the recession in its wake, on which it replaced ‘traditional’ austerity programs with ‘unorthodox’ economic policy. This policy paradigm shift affected the emerging social housing policy in two respects. First, the mainstream approach to social problems related to worsening housing affordability (due to increased loan repayments and other cost items together with decreasing incomes) provided strong support for the middle class. Second, intervention toward low income households remained minimal, and served only to pacify political tensions. This dual approach characterized the policy of the government, and resulting shift in the social structure did not necessarily follow the direction policy makers intended. Programs aimed at the middle class were poorly targeted, and often helped the upper middle class the most, who again did not behave the way policy makers expected (which would have been increased consumption to stimulate economic growth). Programs aimed at low income groups rendered the social structure more rigid, decreased the chance of low income persons to escape from extreme poverty, and cemented the opportunity discrepancies between the rich and the poor. The most recent housing policy measures suggest that the mistakes committed in the 2000s will likely be repeated, and there are not measures in place which could correct their course.
EN
A very important effect of the Iraq and Afghanistan missions is that more soldiers than ever before have acquired experience in a NATO or other international environment during these years. Although Hungary was represented in battalion strength in the missions of the 1990s, these missions, by their nature, necessitated only low-intensity contact with other allied forces. Tasks in Afghanistan required much more transparent and comprehensive cooperation with an entire coalition of countries and a host of other players. At any one time, about a quarter of the mission personnel were engaged in individual assignments, which meant that they were working in a foreign-language environment 24 hours a day. Since 2003, but especially since 2006, hundreds of Hungarian soldiers have experienced the culture of international cooperation, and this has certainly affected their professional knowledge and overall attitude.
EN
General political, economic and moral crises began in Hungary in 2006, after the prime minister’s speech about the real state of the Hungarian economy was delivered. Fidesz, the then largest opposition party refused any further cooperation with the government and started to attack the governing socialist‑liberal coalition. After four years of permanent campaign against the socialists, Fidesz won the elections in 2010 and started to rearrange the whole political and social system in Hungary. Parallel to that, the appearance of social movements in Hungary can clearly be understood as a reply to crisis phenomena, whether they are left‑leaning organisations, green‑ecological, critical of globalisation (“globcrit”) or far‑right, fascistoid groups and networks. One part of the green‑ecologial movement was formed into a party and was named as Politics Can Be Different (LMP), but after 2010 other organizations appeared such as Szolidaritás, an organisation established with reference to the Polish example, with a trade union background, Milla (One Million for Press Freedom), 4K (Movement for the Fourth Republic) and HaHa (Students’ Network), the Hungarian Two‑tailed Dog Party (MKKP) and the Hungarian Pirate Party.
EN
The objective of this essay is to analyse the position of the Hungarian government towards the banking union. In order to better understand the official standpoint of the cabinet, it is necessary to make a brief overview related to the possible introduction of the euro in Hungary. As far as the country’s preparedness for the adoption of the euro is concerned, several internal factors (fulfilment of the Maastricht convergence criteria, pursuance of credible and responsible economic policy that promote sustainable economic growth and macroeconomic stability, etc.) and external ones (the structural problems of some eurozone countries and the extended and modified rules of the Stability and Growth Pact and the Euro Plus Pact) have to be taken into account if a responsible decision about accession to the eurozone is to be taken. Only with wide consensus between the participants in the country’s economy and society and considered, balanced economic policy can Hungary reap the possible benefits of the adoption of the common currency.
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