The article offers a reconstruction of the problem of love as a subject in sociology and the typology of contemporary approaches to it. The first part discusses the following themes: representation of love in classical sociology based on the works of Max Weber; its gradual exclusion from the list of legitimate sociological subjects and the reasons for its return into that sphere. The second part presents the typology of contemporary sociological understandings of love and reconstructs sociobiological theories of Pierre Bourdieu, Niklas Luhmann and Zygmunt Bauman.
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The article offers a brief account of the history of Hungarian sociology during four decades of communist rule in Hungary. Beginning with the brief existence of the first department of sociology in Hungary (the 'Szalai Institute', 1946-1948) the authoress describes the field in the 1950s, when for political reasons sociology was marginalised to the point of extinction. The revival of sociology in Hungary during the 1960s is devoted considerable attention from an institutional, a personal and a doctrinal point of view. The authoress analyses the main branches of study in Hungarian sociology at the time, including critical sociology and the study of social stratification, which overcame the rigidity of official Marxist-Leninist doctrine. She characterises the last two decades of state socialism in Hungary as a period when sociology both suffered from increased political repression (stronger in the early 1970s than later) and at the same time became more and more professional. She argues that a determining feature of the history of Hungarian sociology between 1948 and 1989 was its strong connection to politics. However, sociology and politics had a mutual influence on one another during this period, as sociology also had an impact on the way Communist Party officials approached the structure of Hungarian society. In the process, sociology evolved and was professionalised, enabling its existence as an autonomous discipline today.
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The author deals with the history of works concerning the history of classical sociology written by Czech and Polish scholars. He stresses that in most cases these were not written by historians but rather by theorists, who sometimes lacked any serious interest in the history of the discipline and who rarely showed any historical methodological awareness. In most cases they dealt only with a narrow selection of grand sociological theories, including also authors and works which had nothing to do with sociology itself. As a result, it seems purposeful not to perceive these books on classical sociology as genuine histories of the discipline, but rather as contributions to the contemporary sociological subdiscipline called 'classical sociology'. Most local narratives on classical sociology attempted to include at least some of the local sociological work. It is not easy to do so, as local social science had only few great names that eventually could be counted as 'classical' sociologists, and the best period of both Polish and Czech sociology was the interwar one, which is on the verge of the discipline's scope. As a result, including local sociological tradition into the global context requires sophisticated narrative strategies shown by the author of the text.
The following article is an extended commentary to Jozef Obrebski's writings regarding Bronislaw Malinowski's anthropology. Obrebski's archival text is included in this volume. The author starts with presenting Obrebski's (1905-1967) scholarly biography. He was a student and a doctoral candidate of Malinowski who became ardently devoted to popularizing Malinowski's theories by virtue of further studies and translations. Most of Obrebski's archival legacy can be found at the University of Massachussetts at Amherst, USA. The second part of the article deals with the history of relations between the two scholars, which the author managed to trace through a meticulous search of various source materials and archives. In the third part of the article the author sums up the results of her findings. By juxtaposing Obrebski's newly found Malinowskiana with his published works related to Malinowski, of which there are very few and often and only fragmentary, we find important testimony to the initial reception of functionalism in Poland.
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The contemporary boom in the popularity of religion(s) and religiosity has led to new interest in their sociological study that has returned the sociology of religion to the heart of sociological research. In secular Europe alone, three new overviews of the discipline have appeared in 2006 and 2007, written by Grace Davie, I. Furseth and P. Repstad, and Z. R. Nespor and D. Luzny, all of which attempt to go beyond the traditional agenda of the discipline. This review article summarises the various attitudes of the respective authors and provides a general overview of their books. However, rather than evaluating them it tries to use the three books as a starting point for thinking of the discipline itself. Primarily, the author examines whether there is one single sociology of religion or not and stresses the multiplicity of 'national' approaches with regard to the state of religion in respective societies. Beyond the attention usually paid to the European-American division, and Davie's 'hybrid cases' of British, Canadian, German and Eastern European versions of the sociology of religion, which are also discussed, the author outlines the particularities of the French and Scandinavian approaches. The article then concerns itself with the various theoretical and methodological issues surrounding the discipline and emphasises its 'post-paradigmatic' stage. While some sociologists are looking for new theories (Furseth and Repstad), others highlight the variety of methods which allow a deeper understanding of the multiplicity of facts and meanings (Davie, Nespor and Luzny). Finally, the article discusses the specific position of religion(s) in post-communist countries and the ways in which it is studied.
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Some theoreticians state that the Ethnography and micro-sociology allow the researchers to ripen previously built even frequently obvious THEORIES, and constitute excellent tools to provide detailed descriptions or examples of processes, which were already in the center of Macro inquiry. Micro is, according to them, kind of picturesque supplement for the majority of Macro - studies - the supplement, which confirms (and when contradicts this is only for showing exception) the Macro- Knowledge. On the other hand, Grounded Theory practitioners follow an opposing method - from Micro to Macro - developing their own theories from their fields. Other way of QM practice is simply using of Micro without Macro perspective: Ethnographers analyze the phenomenon doing Micro-sociology, strongly close to a chosen particular example - directly from their fi eld- they avoid construction of theoretical models, because they believe that social processes are dynamic and depend on interaction (so each time different); as a consequence people's behavior cannot be 'modelized'. Started from this last perspective (micro without theoretical ambitions) I was surprised to see the whole specialty of sociology (Mobility), well organized and with a lot of publications (Macro level; large statistics) working with erroneous tools regarding wrong models. My ethnographical fi eld (started in 2003) - life-science researchers' world - done in different countries (France, Poland, Germany, USA) gives me the data for showing that this obvious and largely practical perspective is not exact. Based on the results of my research on careers and mobility of life-science scientists, I showed that starting from Micro is not only one of the way of doing science but also it is the necessary method for providing the Macro Sociology. This method of working Micro-Macro, provides the stability of research process, and, in consequence, the maturity of our 'young discipline' - sociology (according to Kuhn's and other sociologists of knowledge).
The article aims to sum up the reflections concerning visual culture and the visual aspect of life that have appeared in Polish sociology over the last twenty years as well as to analyse the area associated today with visual sociology. The authors give a short review of the history of Polish visual sociology, indicating at the beginning the most essential scientific and didactic events in this field. Further on, they analyse the ways of understanding the notion 'visual sociology' (and its cognate notions). They present the use of photography in anthropology and in social research, and give a critical analysis of the studies and representation of visual culture at the beginning of the 20th century. This leads them to the designation of two scopes of the contemporary notion of visual sociology: a more narrow (methodological) one and a broader one (which they call: 'the sociology of visual culture'). In all, this analysis shows the ways in which the term 'visual sociology' (and its cognate terms) has been gradually adopted, developed and re-defined in Poland.
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This article traces the development of American sociology in the second half of the twentieth century in relation to the project to advance the shared disciplinary foundations. The author reconsiders the prominent role of sociological theory in this process and devotes special attention to current criticism of any project designed to found sociology on a unified theory. Between 1945 and 1970, a period often described retrospectively as the 'Golden Age' of sociology, scientists heralded the coming of the era of sociological thinking, a view supported by the unprecedented institutional expansion of the field. However, enthusiasm over the potential growth of the field was in the ensuing period replaced with an escalating sense of dissatisfaction with the absence or unsatisfactory nature of the general vision of development. The idea of unified sociological theory was attacked and the field became more and more contested, fragmented, and compartmentalised. The article analyses the disintegrating impact that the inability to push through the promised programme of unification of the field had. The account of the development of American sociology is tied in with an argument about the conditions for sociological theory today.
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The article analyses the life and academic contribution of one of the most prominent interwar Czech sociologists, Jan Mertl (1904–1978), whose studies in political sociology studies were highly innovative in his day, in both the Czech and the international context. Mertl was a follower of Max Weber and focused on the comparative historical-sociological analysis of political partisanship and party systems. He also devoted extensive study to changes in the relationship between state administration/bureaucracy and political representation. He enriched the field of (Czech) sociological theory with his concept of the ‘self-regularity of social phenomena’, dealing with the unintended outcomes and latent functions of social action, and he attempted to distinguish between Weberian ideal types and ‘historical types’. He also made the first systematic analysis of modern bureaucracy, using the Weberian concept of the ‚iron cage of modernisation‘. However, Mertl is a significant figure in the history of Czech sociology for another reason: his behaviour during the Second World War is generally perceived as an explicit example of collaboration with Nazism, which led to Mertl’s total exclusion from the academic community after the war. The author analyses the motives and extent of Mertl’s ‘wrongdoing’, as well as the reasons for his being ostracised by the academic world, even though he was officially acquitted of collaboration. The author also provides a brief description of his later life. The article is based on all available published sources and on a large number of previously unknown and unexploited archive materials.
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