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EN
In the article, the author compares “Deeds of the Princes of the Poles” by Gallus Anonymus and “Królewscy synowie” by Józef Ignacy Kraszewski by presenting the conflicts among the princes of the Piast dynasty and their rituals. The relation between Bolesław Krzywousty and Zbigniew is shown in both works from a perspective of four rituals, previously studied by Zbigniew Dalewski in his book “Ritual and Politics: Writing the History of a Dynastic Conflict in Medieval Poland”: oath, entry-reception, submission-reconciliation and penance. The author demonstrates that in Kronika these rituals are shown as the performance acts, regulating the political and social reality, whereas in “Królewscy synowie” they help to create personalities of the characters and are used as “medievalistic decoration”.
EN
SummaryThe paper deals with the problem of the place of Pomerania in imaginative geography of the inhabitants of the Polish lands since the rule of Mieszko I until beginning of the 13th century. The choice of the final date is justified by the political changes taking place at that time in Poland and in Pomerania itself, as well as the changes in imaginative geography, i.e. in the system of images of particular territories functioning in a community, in the case in question among the inhabitants of the Polish lands. The possibilities of reconstructing the images of Pomerania and the Baltic are limited because of the scarcity of sources, especially with reference to the earliest period. The article contains an analysis of the circumstances of creating and introducing into the written sources the names ‘Pomerania’ and ‘Pomeranians’. The picture of Pomerania in Gallus Anonymus’ chronicle has been extensively discussed, which results from the special position of that region in the spatial concept in that text. The paper indicates the main ways of the conceptualisation of the Pomeranian territory and its inhabitants by Gallus in the context of the contemporary system of learned geographical images, crusade ideology and political conditions of the textmaking and presenting the events. There is also a characterisation of the later mentions about Pomerania as a geographical space in the Polish sources of the beginning of the 13th century, among which the predominant place occupies Master Wincenty Kadłubek’s chronicle. The article shows how Master Wincenty Kadłubek presents Pomerania in various parts of his chronicle, especially in his narrative about the beginnings of the Polish state and nation, with possible causes and sources of the description. Finally, the article signals the changes which indicate that the period from the 13th to the 15th centuries should be regarded as a separate stage in the history of the Polish imagery of the Baltic and Pomerania.
PL
W artykule podjęto problematykę form obecności Pomorza w geografii kreacyjnej mieszkańców ziem polskich w okresie od panowania Mieszka I do początku XIII wieku. Wybór daty końcowej jest uzasadniony zachodzącymi w tym okresie przemianami politycznymi w Polsce i na samym Pomorzu, jak również związanymi z tym przemianami w geografii kreacyjnej, czyli w systemie wyobrażeń o poszczególnych terytoriach, funkcjonującym w określonej zbiorowości, w tym przypadku wśród mieszkańców ziem polskich. Możliwości rekonstrukcji wyobrażeń o Pomorzu i Bałtyku są jednak ograniczone ze względu na niedobór źródeł. Dotyczy to szczególnie najwcześniejszego okresu. W artykule zanalizowano okoliczności powstania i wprowadzenia do źródeł pisanych nazw „Pomorze” i „Pomorzanie”. Szczególnie obszernie omówiono obraz Pomorza w kronice tzw. G alla A nonima, c o w ynika z wyjątkowo wyeksponowanej pozycji tej krainy w koncepcji przestrzeni w tekście. Wskazano główne kierunki konceptualizacji terytorium Pomorza i jego mieszkańców przez Galla w kontekście ówczesnego systemu uczonych wyobrażeń geograficznych, ideologii krucjatowej oraz politycznych uwarunkowań powstania tekstu i opisywanych w nim wydarzeń. Następnie scharakteryzowano późniejsze wzmianki o Pomorzu jako przestrzeni geograficznej w źródłach polskich do początku XIII wieku, wśród których na pierwszy plan wysuwa się kronika mistrza Wincentego zw. Kadłubkiem. Scharakteryzowano sposób przedstawienia Pomorza przez Wincentego w różnych częściach kroniki, zwłaszcza w narracji o początkach państwa i narodu polskiego, ze wskazaniem na możliwe przyczyny i źródła takiego opisu. Na koniec zasygnalizowano przemiany, które powodują, że okres od XIII do XV wieku powinien być uznany za kolejny, odrębny etap w dziejach polskich wyobrażeń o Bałtyku i Pomorzu.
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PL
A fishing rod of the king of the Ruthenians (Gallus Anonymus, Book I, chapt. 7)The purpose of the article is an attempt to solve the following question: why did Gallus Anonymus present the king of the Ruthenians fishing with a fishing rod at the very moment of Boleslaw Chrobry’s attack, which inflicted a catastrophic defeat upon Rus’? In the Chronicle the king of the Ruthenians is presented as an unwarlike and cowardly man, but this in itself does not explain, why the chronicler placed him in a boat, fishing. The matter is not made clear by the medieval adaptations of this anecdote by Wincenty Kadłubek and Jan Długosz. None of them understood the sense Gallus gave to the motif of fishing rod and both changed its meaning. Also the cases of fishing described in the Bible have a different character altogether. But a useful context is given by motif of fishing rod and fishing people in stories certainly unknown to Gallus Anonymus. The article presents a choice of texts where fishing refers to military matters and brings disgrace to the king or hero: Le roman de Perceval ou le conte du Graal by Chrétien de Troyes (the Fisher King), Plutarch’s Life of Antony, Waltharius, the story about Arnulf conquering Rome in the Antapodosis by Liudprand of Cremona. The comparison makes it possible to say that in the medieval literature the fishing rode quite often plays the role of anti-attribute that given to a king or warlike hero becomes a clear sign of the lacked or lost ability to command the army and fight war, or of the betrayal of the honour of a brave soldier. On the other hand, the association with fishing or with using a fishing rod is not disgraceful for people who do not aspire to military functions or actions, as illustrated by the examples of Wanda-Węda in the Chronica Poloniae maioris (Chronicle of Greater Poland), and of Saint Zeno of Verona in De Zenonis vita sermo Coronati Notarii.
EN
This paper provides a general overview of selected sources and ideas functioning in Polish historiography on the baptism of Duke Mieszko I and the early stages of the Christianization of the Polish lands. The issue has long been debated by historians specialising in different fields, and new hypotheses and interpretations are still formulated. As part of this unfinished discussion, this paper seeks to make some general comments on some of the most lively discussed questions. Understandably, the hypotheses presented in the paper do not unravel all the mysteries and issues are still pending further research. The baptism of Duke Mieszko I, and thus the symbolic baptism of Poland, coincided with a moment of an intense expansion of Christianity in Europe (Fig. 1). Regardless of its religious, political and cultural significance for the next generations of rulers, nobles, prelates, chroniclers, historians, writers, artists and many others, the baptism has always been a great inspiration for various creative undertakings. The origins of historical reflections on this act can be found, e.g., in the chronicles of Thietmar or Gallus Anonymous. The latter rendered the events of this Holy Saturday of 966 in a very colourful and symbolic way, approximately 150 years later. In his chronicle, Gallus Anonymous noted, e.g., that just as Duke Mieszko was healed from blindness as a child, so having married a Bohemian Duchess Dobrawa, Mieszko — as a prudent and foresighted ruler — accepted baptism. The baptism freed him and his subjects from the blindness and darkness of paganism, giving them in return the clarity and truthfulness of the new faith. Although the very act, its exact date and location, as well as its cultural and civilization- bearing role are still subjects of heated debate among historians specialising in various fields, there is no doubt that it marked the beginning of a new phase in the connection between the Polish lands and the European cultural circle. At first, the process of Christianization involved merely a small circle of the society. The establishment of Christianity in the whole area of Poland was a very long process, characterised by varying dynamics and completed — using a variety of means — not earlier than at the end of the thirteenth century. Nevertheless, Mieszko I’s baptism inscribed our lands into the circle of Christian Europe in perpetuity. What did the adoption of Christianity mean for Poland? Through the introduction of the Christian faith, regardless of its initial kinks (in the 1030s), the Church strengthened the position of the ruler, offered him a divine legitimacy and made him an equal partner in the family of the Christian rulers of Europe. Christianity introduced also new, previously unknown cultural elements. These were, for example: — a new concept of God, the world and the place of humans within it; — the opening of expanded international contacts in the secular and ecclesiastical sphere; — bringing religious orders, such as the Benedictines, later Cistercians, Canons Regular, mendicant orders and others. These, as in Europe, actively participated in the shaping of the new economic and cultural image of the Polish lands, irrespective of their spiritual duties; —Latin, a universal language and alphabet associated with the circle of the clergy, and the princely chancellery; — a new way of measuring time (a calendar and related holidays and liturgical celebrations); — the inclusion of Christian symbols into the native cultural space, including the symbolism of colours, signs and gestures, the symbols of the natural world, etc.; — scriptoria, book and wall painting; — various worship and liturgy-related objects, such as, e.g., frescoes, the statues of saints and patron saints, reliquary boxes, liturgical combs, signs of episcopal dignity, patens, chalices, bowls, crosses, bells, suspended canopy lighting, etc.; — new architecture, and canons of style and workshops (the mastery of stone processing, techniques of construction and the preparation of mortars and mosaics); — inhumation took over from cremation as the dominant burial rite, etc. And other things. Slowly but consequently, these elements replaced and sometimes demolished the hitherto prevailing way of perceiving and ordering the world and its evaluation. Therefore, there is no exaggeration in the statements of the ‘revolutionary’ nature of the new faith formulated by scholars. Due to the enigmatic nature of the written sources and an unsatisfactory state of knowledge of, e.g., the earliest architecture related to the Christianization of the Polish lands (especially its more precise chronology), some issues addressed in this paper remain unresolved. However, despite many shortcomings and unexplained hypotheses, there is no doubt that an area in Europe, which since c.1000 came to be called Polonia, became permanently linked to the European Christianitas in the second half of the tenth century. All this started in 966, following previous preparations, due to Duke Mieszko I of the Piast dynasty.
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