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1
Content available remote Innowacyjność gospodarki RFN na tle porównawczym
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EN
The article has two aims. The first is to evaluate the innovativeness of the German economy and the second consists in analyzing innovative weaknesses of this economy. The author comes to the conclusion that German economy is stronger in respect of innovativeness than other big European economies (economies of France, Great Britain, Italy and Spain). He explains the complex causes of this phenomenon and shows some innovative weaknesses of the German economy as well. In his opinion they will not be eliminated even in the long term scale.
2
Content available remote Germany - Two Demographically Different States?
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EN
The paper is an attempt of an answer how belonging to different political, economical and cultural structures has influenced diverse population processes and structures and their spatial diversity. As an example to the research of these phenomena there was chosen Germany that until 1990 were two separated socio-political and economical formations (the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and the Federal Republic of Germany FRG). This state, with a population number about 82 millions presently, as it turns out - besides passage of time - is characterized all the time by some diversity of procreation behaviors, population processes and structures in the Eastern (Ost) and the Western part (West) of Germany. It is claimed, the structures are going to some similarities, but the 15 years period (1990-2005) was too short to level all stated demographical differences and trends (1).
3
Content available remote Przeciwko zapomnieniu. Jürgen Fuchs i pamięć o drugiej niemieckiej dyktaturze
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EN
Twenty-five years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, GDR did not become a relic of the past nor was it dumped on the garbage heap of history. Contrary to widespread expectations, the “state of workers and peasants” is still by all means a current topic, as attested by numerous scholarly and journalistic publications, as well as by memory, whose scope oversteps the borders of former Eastern Germany and enters into the difficult and complex context of German-German history. According Jürgen Fuchs (1950-1999), who until the breakthrough of 1989/90 was considered to be one of the most important writers living in forced emigration in the FRG, memory played a key role in the struggle against the communist regime, and it was memory that became instrumental for him in the process of creating engaged literature. The article highlights the person and achievements of this engaged and critical writer, who used to “tell what it was really like”, and therefore struggled against forgetfulness. His work dealt largely with the second German dictatorship, which he exposed among others by the description of facts, documentation of the surrounding reality, presentation of the mechanisms of totalitarian violence, rejection of the postulate of a “thick line” that closes the past without settling accounts, and above all by disclosing the truth hidden in the Stasi files.
4
Content available remote Sportwunderland DDR – powstanie i upadek sportowego mocarstwa
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EN
The German Democratic republic, despite limited economic and demographic opportunities, achieved an incredible success in sports, becoming in the second half of the 20th century a real sports superpower. Competition at the international level, especially the Olympic Games were arenas for the presentation of the country’s supremacy in sport, on account of which it began to be called "Sportwunderland". The article attempts to identify the most important components of the sport success of the GDR - institutional structures and implementation of the achievements of science in sport, together with the pathological use of prohibited pharmacological assistance, as well as methods of acquiring and selecting outstanding sportspersons. In addition, the article provides an analysis of the situation of East German sport after the unification of Germany and discusses ways of dealing with the dark sides of its past.
EN
Is it worth exporting corn and fodder in exchange for toys and cosmetics? It was a question Gheorghiu-Dej of Romania asked himself, when confronted with increasing East German demands for agricultural exports. He was keen on overcoming underdevelopment through a vast program of industrialization in order to overcome the status of a predominantly agricultural country but he perceived his CMEA partners to be opposing this prospect. In the context of increasing economic difficulties in the Soviet bloc in the early 1960s, an idea was circulated that specialization would help increase efficiency so that Socialist countries could successfully compete on Western markets. But the meaning of specialization appeared different for each country: Gheorghiu-Dej thought that Romania deserved an equal status with other more developed nations of the Soviet bloc, but it soon became clear to him that they had different views. His perception was that the East Germans and Czechoslovaks wanted Romania to remain a provider of agricultural products and hold off its industrialization plans, but he could not accept that. This study argues that intra-CMEA competition between developed and less developed member countries played a major role in compromising the reforms planed by Moscow in the early 1960s.
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Content available remote Floty niemieckie w XX stuleciu. Od Kaiserliche Marine do Deutsche Marine
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EN
The article presents the development of German States’ fleets in the 20thcentury. It shows their evolution overthe last one hundred years. The author focuses on the evolution of the place and role of the German Fleet from the Imperial Navy up to the contemporary Deutsche Marine, which concentrates on performing the tasks of joint forces within NATO. It also shows GDR and FRG fleets during the division of Germany. Contemporary German fleet and the FRG’s armed forces in general are rather modest compared to the economic capacities of today’s Germany. This situation coincides with an atmosphere of increasing pacifism that permeates the German society.
PL
System służb wywiadowczych PRL i NRD, niezależnie od tego, jak kontrowersyjna wydaje się być prezentowana teza, nie wytworzył znaczących pól wzajemnej kooperacji. Główną tego przyczyną były niedające się przezwyciężyć różnice polityczne. Niniejszy artykuł analizuje problemy związane z kontaktami obu służb w obszarze szeroko pojętego wywiadu elektronicznego (SIGINT) i techniki specjalnej. Udało się je odtworzyć na podstawie kwerendy przeprowadzonej w IPN oraz niemieckim Urzędzie Gaucka. Możliwość przeprowadzenia analizy porównawczej obu źródeł dała okazję do prezentacji zarówno form współdziałania, jak i związanych z nimi antagonizmów między resortami bezpieczeństwa obu państw.
EN
The intelligence services system of the Polish People’s Republic and the German Democratic Republic, irrespective of how controversial the thesis might seem, did not develop a significant level of cooperation, mainly due to insurmountable political differences. The article discusses the problems of the relations between both services in the area of broadly understood signals intelligence (SIGINT) and operational equipment. It was possible to retrace them on the basis of the research conducted at the Polish Institute of National Remembrance and the German Stasi Records Agency. The possibility of making the comparative analysis of both sources allowed to present the forms of cooperation as well as antagonisms existing between the security departments of both states.
PL
Mimo zawrotnej kariery książki E.P. Thompsona The Making of the English Working Class (1963) poza Wielką Brytanią, recepcja Thompsonowskich kategorii i koncepcji – czy też, szerzej, zachodniej myśli marksistowskiej – w krajach byłego bloku wschodniego pozostaje zagadnieniem wciąż mało znanym. Tematem artykułu są reakcje historyków z NRD, Polski i Czechosłowacji na próby podważenia oficjalnego stanowiska marksistowskiej ortodoksji. Na przykładzie pracy Thompsona autor omawia zarówno recepcję zachodnich inspiracji za żelazną kurtyną, jak i jej brak. Umieszczając ten wycinek historii historiografii w szerszym kontekście zmieniającego się krajobrazu politycznego krajów Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej po drugiej wojnie światowej, tekst wskazuje na paradoksy powojennego krążenia idei.
EN
Although the impact outside the U.K. of E.P. Thompson’s work, The Making of the English Working Class (1963), has been recognized and pointed to many times, the ways in which Thompsonian categories and concepts, or Marxist thought from the West more broadly, was received in the countries of the former Eastern Bloc remain rather unclear. This paper traces the ways in which historians of the GDR, Poland and Czechoslovakia responded to these challenges to the official position of Marxist orthodoxy. Taking Thompson´s seminal piece as an example, it highlights the reception (or lack thereof) of Western influences on local scholarship and the dynamics of these encounters – whether they were affirmative or critical – in relation to the changing political landscape of East-Central European countries after World War II.
EN
The text presents an attempt to depict the reception of the exchange of letters between the Polish and German episcopacy in 1965, by the GDR government. It points out the direct reactions undertaken by the party and state elites in order to decrease the importance and the international aspect of the clergy initiative. The propaganda actions included a wide range of instruments and tools available for the state government, primarily the media. It resulted in marginal interest in this topic among the GDR society and creation of the reception of the event desired by the government
EN
Until recently, researchers have believed that in the eighties Poland was strongly infiltrated by the East German intelligence – the Ministry for State Security (MfS) of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), commonly known as the Stasi. However, latest scientific publications seem to suggest that the East German grip was not quite as strong. The Stasi did in fact make efforts to direct more agents to the People’s Republic of Poland after August 1980. An operational group was established in Warsaw. The central office of the MfS and its local units developed their networks of secret informers in Poland, primarily made up of citizens of the GDR with ties to Poland and the Poles. Along with the standard recruitment of human agents, efforts were made to establish and maintain both official and unofficial contacts with representatives of the Polish government and other state institutions. Officers and secret informers of the MfS would often acquire valuable information directly from the Polish United Workers’ Party, the Polish Army, the Catholic Church or the Independent and Self-Governing Trade Union “Solidarity” (NSZZ “Solidarność”). Still, these efforts weren’t accompanied by adequate analytical studies of the situation in Poland – those available were often repetitive and overly ideological.
EN
The mode of perception of National Socialism and its positioning in the history of Germany played a fundamental role in the development of the country's political culture. The establishment of two German states founded on different political systems entailed far reaching consequences for the cultural memory of the divided society. The contradiction inherent in the construction of a post-war order of Germans consisted in the discrepancy between a negative, discredited past and the need for an acceptable image in order to build a positive identity of the new state. From the onset, GDR propaganda developed a strategy of overcoming the past, based on the ideology of antifascism. It gave the multitudes embroiled in Nazism the opportunity to free themselves from a feeling of guilt and integrated the society around future oriented slogans in confrontation with the West German state.
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