Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Classics have another quality too (...) they do not need to be true – o rewizjonizmie Williama Doyle’a

100%

Dworniczak D.

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2018

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tom 7

179-194

EN

The aim of the paper is to present up-to-date critics of the model of the causes of the French Revolution present in the orthodox (Marxist) school’s syntheses (regarding prominent historians, such as: A. Mathiez, G. Lefebvre and A. Soboul). The paper discusses the role of the noblesse, bourgeoisie in relation with the role of the public opinion before the French Revolution. It also indicates some internal inconsistencies of the described critics. The work is based mainly on the syntheses and papers delivered by William Doyle.

2

« Ci-gît, enfin, un tyran ! », ou une épitaphe en tant que prophétie dans les Apologues modernes de Sylvain Maréchal (1789)

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Matyaszewski P.

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nr 2

1-11

EN

The purpose of this essay is to analyse a forgotten work by Sylvain Maréchal, a French political writer of the Enlightenment. Written on the eve of the French Revolution, his Apologues modernes heavily criticize the socio-political system of the French monarchy of Louis XVI. The analysis of his work proves that the author does not limit himself to criticising the situation before 1789, but he clearly predicts events of the forthcoming revolution and the resulting change. One could say that, like a true prophet, he foresees the end of the monarchy as such and proclaims the arrival of a new social and political order, a universal republic, not only in France, but in Europe in general.

3

The Thermidorian Reaction and the Fate of Jacobins

88%

Michael D.

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2018

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nr 2

116-126

EN

The article will focus on existence of the Jacobins and their influencein France after 28th July 1794, including the fate of their supporters, ex-Terrorists, sans-culottes and Jacobin clubs. It will mainly focus on two aspects: excluding the Jacobins from political and social life in Thermidorian France (July 1794 – October 1795). The text will successively discuss the Conventional purges, removal of sans-culottes from provincial political arenas and their social isolation, issues with poor distributing of rations and consequent uprisings, dissolving of the Jacobin clubs across the country, mass releasing of alleged suspects and at the same time imprisoning political enemies, subsequent prison massacres, installing new supporters of the regime and overall institutional changes in new, cleansed France.

4

Women’s Rights and Femininity in the French Revolution (1789-1794)

75%

Dieu F.

Alcumena. Pismo Interdyscyplinarne

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2024

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nr 1(17)

25-37

EN

Despite the French Revolution marking the beginning of the organized involvement of women in both political and more complex social spheres, the history of women and gender during that period remains a barely-explored subject, even within the renowned French historical circles. It was only since the 1970s that the protests and demands for improvement in the aspect of women’s rights have prompted politicaldiscussions in the West, inspiring historians to revisit and finally try to answer the female revolutionary question. The article aims to analyze the path that women’s rights undertook in France during the Revolution of 1789. By looking at the evolving historiography of the era, the article will answer the questions of how and to what extent social and political female freedoms improved during those years and how the Revolution of 1789 changed the cultural understanding of femininity. To accurately present the realities of everyday female life at that time, it shall also be necessary to make a few references to the ancient regime period that preceded the Revolution, as well as to the later times of the Directory’s and the Empire’s rules, with the emphasis on the Code Napoléon and what its appliance meant for 19th-centuryfemale rights.

5

Le calendrier révolutionnaire de 1793 ou les quatre saisons de la République

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Matyaszewski P.

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nr 1

45-53

EN

The authors of the revolutionary calendar, in particular Gilbert Romme and Fabre d’Églantine not only want to put the past behind by implicating a new time and new order but also try to prove the relation between history and nature using the example of the events of the Revolution and their compliance with the laws of the universe. They introduce an innovative nomenclature in order to specify the names of particular days and months but they do not change the natural four-season model of division. The goal of the presented idea is to enrich the natural cycle with a new content expressing the spirit and the objectives of the Republic while following the laws of nature.

6

Różnica między zachodnioeuropejską a niemiecką koncepcją nacjonalizmu

63%

Ziętek-Wielomska M.

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nr 1

237-256

EN

Scientific research leaves no doubt that criminal National Socialism is not an archetype of nationalism or a national doctrine. It is a common view that the nationalist ideology was born in revolutionary France and the United States of America. For political reasons, the truth about the diametrically different nature of Western nationalism – primarily French and Anglocentric – on the one hand, and German on the other, is blurred. In the era of the spread of globalist cosmopolitanism ideology, national ideas are treated as the greatest danger to the progress of humanity.

PL

Badania naukowe nie pozostawiają wątpliwości, że zbrodniczy narodowy socjalizm nie jest archetypem nacjonalizmu ani doktryną narodową. Powszechnie uważa się, że ideologia nacjonalistyczna narodziła się w rewolucyjnej Francji i Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki. Z powodów politycznych zaciera się prawda o diametralnie odmiennym charakterze zachodniego nacjonalizmu – przede wszystkim francuskiego i anglocentrycznego – z jednej strony, a niemieckiego z drugiej. W dobie rozprzestrzeniania się ideologii globalistycznego kosmopolityzmu idee narodowe traktowane są jako największe zagrożenie dla postępu ludzkości.

7

Divorce in French Law Between 1792 and 1816

63%

Pomianowski P.

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nr 3

EN

During the Ancien Régime in France, marriage was indissoluble and only separation was allowed. The Constitution of 1791 declared that marriage was only a civil contract (the principle of the indissolubility was rejected). The law of 1792 abolished separation and allowed to get a divorce, which was easily accessible – even incompatibility of temperament could be a reason for untying a marriage knot. During Robespierre’s rules, liberal law of 1792 was even more liberalized. After the Thermidorian Reaction, conditions of obtaining a divorce were tightened but the law in that matter was still liberal. It was not until the introduction of the Law of 1803, that the number of grounds for a divorce was limited. In 1804, the Law of 1803 became the part of the Code Civil.

PL

W absolutystycznej Francji – zgodnie z nauczaniem Kościoła katolickiego – uznawano nierozerwalność małżeństwa (dopuszczalna była jedynie separacja), natomiast konstytucja z 3 września 1791 r. stanowiła, że małżeństwo jest kontraktem cywilnym. Rok później Legislatywa postanowiła znieść separację i ustanowić rozwód. Podstawy rozwiązania małżeństwa były liczne, znalazła się wśród nich nawet niezgodność charakterów. Za rządów jakobinów w czasie dyktatury Robespierre’a prawo z września 1792 r. zostało jeszcze zliberalizowane, jednak po przewrocie thermidoriańskim odwołano zmiany, które do ustawy rozwodowej wprowadzili jakobini. Z kolei nowa ustawa z 1803 r. (następnie włączona do kodeksu cywilnego) poważnie ograniczyła liczbę podstaw rozwodowych i sprawiła, że stał się on znacznie trudniej osiągalny. Po restauracji Burbonów rozwód został usunięty z francuskiego systemu prawnego.

8

To rescue the king of France. The actions of the Stockholm court on the international stage in the years 1791–1792

63%

Anusik Z. , Bartosiewicz A.

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nr 2

170-183

PL

W artykule opisano próby ratowania monarchii francuskiej podejmowane przez Gustawa III, ówczesną sytuację polityczną w Europie oraz stosunek poszczególnych mocarstw europejskich do rewolucji francuskiej. Autorzy starają się ukazać wzajemne powiązania polityki dworu sztokholmskiego wobec rewolucyjnej Francji oraz działań króla Szwecji w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej. Artykuł wykorzystuje często pomijane źródła, jak korespondencja szwedzkich dyplomatów z Petersburga, Madrytu i Warszawy czy też archiwalia z Riksarkivet w Sztokholmie. Stanowi tym samym cenne uzupełnienie badań prowadzonych nad opisywanym problemem przez współczesnych badaczy zagadnienia.

EN

The article describes Gustav III’s attempts to save the French monarchy, the then political situation in Europe, and the attitude of individual European powers to the French Revolution. The authors try to show a close relation between the policy of the Stockholm court towards revolutionary France and the actions of the king of Sweden in Central and Eastern Europe. The study uses hitherto neglected sources such as correspondence of Swedish diplomats from St Petersburg, Madrid and Warsaw, or records found in the Riksarkivet in Stockholm. Thus, the presented article should fill the existing research gap in the abovementioned area of interest.

9

History as Ideology or History as “Idéologie:” C. F. Volney and the Uses of the Past in Revolutionary France

63%

Cook A.

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nr 3

179-196

EN

The French Revolution had a complex relationship with historical thought. In a significant sense, the politics of 1789 was built upon a rejection of the authority of the past. As old institutions and practices were swept away, many champions of the Revolution attacked conventional historical modes for legitimating authority, seeking to replace them with a politics anchored in notions of reason, natural law and natural rights. Yet history was not so easily purged from politics. In practice, symbols and images borrowed from the past saturated Revolutionary culture. The factional disputes of the 1790s, too, invoked history in a range of ways. The politics of nature itself often relied on a range of historical propositions and, as the Revolution developed, a new battle between “ancients” and ‘moderns’ gradually emerged amongst those seeking to direct the future of France. This article explores these issues by focusing on a series of lectures delivered at the École Normale in the Year III (1795), in the wake of Thermidor and the fall of Robespierre. The lectures, commissioned by the Ministry of Education, were designed to lay out a program for historical pedagogy in the French Republic. Their author, Constantin-Francois Volney (1757–1820), was one of a group of figures who sought, during these years, to stabilise French politics by tying it to the development of a new form of social science—a science that would eventually be labelled “idéologie.” With this in mind, Volney sought to promote historical study as an antidote to the political appropriation of the past, with particular reference to its recent uses in France. In doing so, he also sought to appropriate the past for political purposes. These lectures illustrate a series of tensions in the wider Revolutionary relationship with history, particularly during the Thermidorian moment. They also, however, reflect ongoing ambiguities in the social role of the discipline and the self-understanding of itspractitioners.

10

1789–1790: les premiers 14 Juillet: mythes fondateurs de la France nouvelle

63%

Pichot-Bravard P.

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nr 4

617-637

EN

In 1880, the French Parliament chose 14 July as the bank holidays, referring to two important events in the history of the French Revolution: on the one hand, the storming of the Bastille during the revolutionary days of July 1789 and, on the other hand, the Fête de la Fédération, which took place one year later to celebrate the birth of the new France, the France built by the Constituent Assembly. The choice of 14 July as the bank holidays expressed the desire of the republican majority of the time to consider the French Revolution as the founding moment of French history, thus wiping out hirteen centuries of Christian history. The annual celebration of this founding myth, from the time of the Revolution, aimed to influence sensibilities in order to transform the individual into a citizen nourished by the values of the Revolution.

11

“This New Conquering Empire of Light and Reason”: Edmund Burke, James Gillray, and the Dangers of Enlightenment

51%

Schmidt J.

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nr 40

126-148

EN

This article examines the use of images of “light” and “enlightenment” in Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France and in the controversy that greeted the book, with an emphasis on caricatures of Burke and his book by James Gillray and others. Drawing on Hans Blumenberg’s discussion of the metaphor of “light as truth,” it situates this controversy within the broader usage of images of light and reason in eighteenth-century frontispieces and (drawing on the work of J.G.A. Pocock and Albert O. Hirschman) explores the ways in which Burke’s critique of Richard Price operates with a rhetoric that views Price as part of an enlightenment that was inherently “radical” and, hence, a threat to the “enlightenment” that, in Burke’s view, had already been achieved.

12

Ojciec Jacek Woroniecki: Filozoficzne źródła i konsekwencje Rewolucji Francuskiej

51%

Kryk M.

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2019

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tom 8

197-213

EN

This article attempts to present the philosophical perspective of the causes of the French Revolution in terms of the eminent Polish ethicist and philosopher Fr Jacek Woroniecki. The thread of the revolution, in terms of its causes and consequences, is constantly present in the work of the Polish Dominican. Revolutionary according to Father Woroniecki is everything that reverses the natural relationship between things, destroys the inherent order of things, puts the interest of the part above the interest of the whole in social life, threatening to collapse the social organism. According to Woroniecki, individualism is the subsoil of the revolutionary element. Although present in the history of human thought, as a consequence of original sin, individualism experienced its apogee in the age of the Reformation. Luther's metaphysical egoism, defined by Maritain as self-centeredness, eventually penetrated all areas of human life, breaking social bonds. Descendant of Luther's egocentrism, Descartes, systematized Luther's thoughts in the intellectual field. Thanks to him, particularistic ideas prevailed over the traditional, universalist view of the social dimension of the progress of human thought. Another of the thinkers whose views have become a source of revolution is according to Father Woroniecki J.J. Rousseau. His sentimentalism, which is like a complement to Luther's egocentrism, in comparison with the views of Descartes, is the pinnacle of individualism in modern philosophical thought. These individualistic, anti-social currents, which were a consequence of the rejection of the philosophy of being, contributed to the complete decline of philosophical thought in the eighteenth century, thus paving the way for doctrinaires. Woroniecki accurately interprets utopian revolutionary slogans and points to the danger of apparent counterbalance to these trends, which was sought in the nineteenth century. Under the cloak of freedom, he unmasks individualist liberalism, the medicine for which socialism was to become. Then he points to envy as the foundation of egalitarianism, which, based on radicalism, became the driving force behind all totalitarianisms. He then exposes humanitarianism, which strikes at patriotism and in the name of universal slogans breaks social bonds. As an antidote to these threats, Father Woroniecki points to the doctrine of St. Thomas Aquinas as a synthesis of the thoughts of the entire human race, based on objective data of being and truth, which, with its universalism, objectivity and realism, transcends all partial systems and thus provides the basis for the unity of social life.

13

Cultural Pessimism And Heroic Manliness

51%

Gładziuk N.

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nr 1

3-19

EN

An interesting fact in the intellectual history of the fin-de-siecle and first three decades of the 20th century is that the crisis of modernity was understood in categories of sex and gender. In spite of the differences dividing the German intellectual trend of cultural pessimism, the conservative revolution, and Fascist thinking, all these paradigms are linked by the characteristic conviction that ‘modernity’, being the consequence of the French Revolution, was ruled by the ‘feminine principle’. This principle was supposed to represent what is anti-military, anti- -state, and anti-cultural at the same time. Variations on the theory of male bonding (Mannerbund) were the intellectual reaction to that ‘feminine principle’. The intellectual patterns described here find their continuation in contemporary conservative thought.