Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

The Clash of Cultures in Iraq after the First World War

100%

Wardi A.

Rocznik Orientalistyczny

|

tom Rocznik Orientalistyczny, T. 43, (1984), wyd. 1985

2

Tři pohledy na první světovou válku

100%

Hála V.

|

nr 3

377-395

EN

Each of the philosophers whom the author focuses on in this article addressed not only the question of the meaning of the First World War, but also of war in general as a certain kind of phenomenon. Scheler and Patočka both share a generally phenomenological starting point and in particular they share an orientation that treats the war experience as one of transcendence (sacrifice, being “shaken”) of the everyday and its institutional bonds. In this respect, however, the two philosophers reflect wartime experience in an almost contradictory way: Scheler adores the engagement of war in the interest of nationalistically-understood goals, Patočka exalts the attitude of the „shaken“, consisting in „self-possession“ and in refusing „the appeals to mobilise“. Transcendence has, then, an opposite meaning in the two thinkers. Despite the generally problematic (especially nationalistically extreme) character of Scheler’s views, even here we find a stimulating reference to the nontransparency of a distinction between just and unjust wars and of its identification with aggressive and defensive wars. Patočka’s thought about being “shaken” does not, however, concern only wartime experience, but also plays an important role in a conception of the „spiritual man“, which had a significant resonance in the Czech intellectual milieu. Masaryk, against the background of the events of the First World War in their wider context of „world revolution“, formulated his own conception of the meaning of Czech history, consisting in the struggle between theocracy and democracy. This interpretation drew a critical reaction from J. Patočka. Masaryk was the only one of the philosophers treated here who, in his thoughts about war, reflected on the meaning of the First World War for political organisation and cooperation among nations in general. In his exaltation of the significance of democracy as the guarantee of the realisation of human rights, Masaryk can be seen as a philosopher who is close to the modern conception of moral and political philosophy (J. Rawls, M. Walzer, V. Hösle).

3

Powódź – wilgotne zabija suche. Klęska męskości w Drachu Szczepana Twardocha

85%

Imiela P.

Śląskie Studia Polonistyczne

|

2020

|

tom 15

|

nr 1

EN

In the article the author presents her interpretation of corporeality in Szczepan Twardoch’s books. She performs her analysis of male body’s image by emphasizing the opposition between biology-based disruptions of social constructs and machine-like process yielding the projection of a perfect soldier. What was indicated by the author is the influence of German authors on Twardoch’s novels, particularly Klaus Theweleit’s works. The analysis focuses on Josef Magnor, the main character of Twardoch’s Drach, serving as a figure of defeat in the context of variegated social relations, most of all relating to masculinity. The key to understand the failure of masculinity in Twardoch’s works seems to be the opposition: the dry – the wet, which facilitates transferring of considerations on war symbols directly into interpretation of Polish recent literature.

4

O znaczeniu Aktu 5 listopada 1916 roku. Na marginesie artykułu Dariusza Makiłły

80%

Górski G.

Przegląd Sejmowy

|

2018

|

nr 4(147)

7–17

EN

Indubitably, the declaration of the Emperors of Germany and Austria of 5 November 1916 was a turning point as regards the regaining of independence by Poland during the First World War. In his article published in “Sejm Review” no. 1 in 2017 related to the matter, Dariusz Makiłła considered the legal force of this declaration. First of all, he focused on demonstrating that in accordance with the internal law of the two empires, their rulers had the right to take action, whose effect was “the creation the Kingdom of Poland”. The key term, on which D. Makiłła’s stand is founded, is zu bilden. I disagree with D. Makiłła’s opinion and refer to main directions of the German policy, as well as provisions of international law. I point to the fact that the declaration aimed at restituting the Kingdom of Poland established at the Congress of Vienna. Such was the sense of the statements contained in the declaration and their reception — despite earlier dissent — by major participants to the First World War.

5

The Relationship between Austria-Hungary and the United States in 1918

80%

Horčička V.

Prague Papers on the History of International Relations

|

2015

|

nr 1

57-92

EN

This article demonstrates the fact that President Wilson was, until the last months of the war, hesitant to support the dissolution of Austria-Hungary. It also proves that the Secretary of State Robert Lansing had a major effect on the President’s decision making. In contrast, the group of experts The Inquiry, established by Colonel House with the aim of tackling the issues of peace settlement, lacked inner coherence and the group’s representatives were long in favour of federalization, rather than of the empire’s dissolution. The main aim of the present article is to unravel the real motives and the genesis of the President’s policy vis-à-vis Austria-Hungary. Yet another objective of this study is to help demystify the history of Central Europe after the First World War. The article also largely examines Austro-Hungarian policy toward the USA, which to this day has not been thoroughly studied.

6

Postawy kobiet wobec I wojny światowej w powieściach Johanny Spaey

80%

Kozak Ł.

|

2015

|

tom 25

281 - 295

EN

The paper analyses the women’s attitudes towards the First World War presented in two books by a Flemish writer, Johanna Spaey: Dood van een soldaat and De vlucht. The article concentrates on three main attitudes: afugitive, avictim and an avenger. Moreover, it also addresses the question of the relation between the Germans, i.e. the occupants, and the women’s position in the books.

7

Międzynarodowe znaczenie Austrii w okresie rządów Karla Rennera w ocenach dyplomacji polskiej

80%

Jeziorny D.

|

nr 2(351)

139-158

EN

After the dissolution of Austria-Hungary the role of the small Austrian Republic diminished. The article answers the question about the assessment of this situation by the Polish diplomacy. Both countries were new on the international scene of Europe and both were endangered by their neighbours. Warsaw was aware of the difficult internal and international situation of Austria and that is why, facing her own challenges to state independence and sovereignty, was not inclined to co-operate with Vienna. The Polish Government only focused on the possibility of transit of French military materials via Austria to Poland. But Polish diplomatic and military representatives were reporting news about Austria and her foreign relations. These reports show Poles’ good grasp of the whole complicated situation of Central Europe, providing a description of Vienna’s relationships with the Great Powers which won World War I and its smaller neighbours. Those opinions could be assessed as competent although in some aspects the role of Austria in international relations was exaggerated. Some reports prepared by Polish military representatives were misleading. They probably did not want to strenghten Germany through the Anschluss of Austria as Berlin was treated as Poland’s key enemy. Such an approach probably led to subjective anti-German and anti-Austrian opinions presented by them.

8

Konsekwentne działania czy improwizacja? Niemieckie plany wojenne wobec Polski w okresie I wojny światowej

80%

Łysoń R.

Historia Slavorum Occidentis

|

2015

|

nr 2(9)

150-167

EN

The first part of the article offers a review of the most important historical views on German plans for Poland during the First World War. The author attempts to show that they were not as consistent, clear and painstakingly implemented as earlier historical writing supposed, but rather inconsistent, chaotic and carried out by various competing centres of political and military power. The author than describes several centres of power in Imperial Germany and displays their rivalry over the Polish cause. There were several reasons behind the observed chaos, among them the political structure and the system of power in the German Reich. The system was unable to create a main decision-making centre during the war. Furthermore, with a limited knowledge of Polish matters, Germans were not certain, which option would be best for post-war Germany. It is the author’s opinion that research on the issue should definitely be continued.

9

Sources for building the memory of historical events: oral history and its contexts in the Chronicle of the Order of Poor Clares in Stary Sącz from 1914–1918

80%

Borkowski I.

Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej

|

2023

|

tom 13

148-164

EN

The primary sources for the construction of a memory of historical events in a cloistered community in the light of monastic chronicles are: official information, confirmed media (press) releases, oral testimony of third-party witnesses to events, and oral testimony generated by the monastic community. These sources are subject to verification and valorisation as to their reliability within the chronicle text itself. The multifaceted nature of the accounts and their mutual corroboration (or exclusion) allow the construction of an account of an objectified collective witness to history.

10

Book review. Milne, Lesley (2016). Laughter and War. Humorous-Satirical Magazines in Britain, France, Germany and Russia 1914-1918. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing

80%

Nieuwenhuis I.

|

tom 6

|

nr 3

EN

Despite the stark contrast between laughter and war, it is not hard to understand why the two go together so well. Not only does humour form an ideal weapon to attack the enemy without running the immediate risk of losing lives, it can also function as a coping mechanism, a way to come to terms with the inevitable atrocities unfolding in times of military conflict, either through cold cynicism or through mild jokes that offer comic relief. Humour can bring consolation and distraction when everything around looks sinister and all hope for salvation seems in vain. As such, it can also boost morale. Knowing this, it does not come as a surprise that the First World War (1914-1918), arguably one of the most grim episodes of the twentieth century, gave rise to a rich collection of jokes. A significant number of them are discussed in Leslie Milne’s study Laughter and War. Humorous-Satirical Magazines in Britain, France, Germany and Russia 1914-1918.

11

První světová válka a obyvatelstvo českých zemí

80%

Fialová L.

Historická sociologie (Historical Sociology)

|

2014

|

tom 2

115-125

EN

Approximately 100 thousand men of Czech origin died during the wartime operations in the years 1914 to 1918. The majority were aged between 23 and 35. The reproductive losses have been estimated at another 610 thousand (550 thousand children that were never born due to the absence of a man in the household and another 60 thousand civilian dead). In 1914 the population in the Czech territories numbered 10 million 283 thousand, in 1919 this number decreased to 9 million 921 thousand. The ratio of men to women decreased (in 1920 there were 92.5 men to every 100 women). This imbalance in age frequency, a result of the low birth rate, had a long term effect firstly on the number of marriages, then on the birth rate and eventually on the mortality rate. These long term effects were evidently still present at the close of the 20th Century.

12

Židovskí utečenci z Bukoviny počas prvej svetovej vojny

80%

Yavorska I.

Acta historica Neosoliensia Vedecký časopis pre historické vedy

|

2023

|

tom 26

|

nr 2

95-106

EN

The article deals with the problem of Jewish refugees during the First World War. It refers to the attitudes of the Jews of Bukovina in the early days of the war, living conditions and survival strategies, which fell refugees from Bukovina. Based on documents and family histories author reproduced the conditions of social adaptation of the Jewish community of Bukovina and government efforts to normalize the living conditions of refugees in the territory of the monarchy.

13

Moc prawna aktu 5 listopada 1916 roku

80%

Makiłła D.

Przegląd Sejmowy

|

2017

|

nr 1(138)

59–77

EN

The appreciation of a political declaration of 5 November 1916 issued by the Emperor of Germany, William, and the Emperor of Austria, Francis Joseph in which they proclaimed the establishment of a state named the Kingdom of Poland is usually made from a political point of view, especially in the context of internalization of Polish question during the First World War. The purpose of the article is to analyse this declaration as a self-contained state act of supreme authorities of Germany and Austro-Hungary and to examine the legal reasons and circumstances of the announcement of the declaration of 5 November, but also to defi ne the juridical sense and consequences connected with this act, particularly in relation to establishment of Polish state. The constitutive political and legal effect of 5 November Act was the establishment of a state whose institutions, created in 1916–1918, entered into the Polish state established through the self-determination of 1918.

14

Ciekawość Witolda, lęk Olwida — relacje z frontu zachodniego Witolda Hulewicza

80%

Pędzisz M.

|

2015

|

tom 25

297 - 305

EN

The article examines the war poetry and letters of Witold Hulewicz, who was aprominent figure in Polish culture. Drawing mainly on the examples published in Kurier Poznański, Dziennik Poznański and Zdrój, Ianalyse the ways in which the author struggles with the experience of war. This paper addresses also the question of how the same reality of war is described by ayoung soldier in letters to his beloved mother and how it is done by apoet, taking his first steps toward aliterary career. How does Witold/Olwid describe the landscapes of war-torn Belgium? Can his voice be considered the voice of an entire generation of young soldiers fighting on the Western Front during the Great War?

15

Bolesław Roja. Legionowym szlakiem dowódcy czwartaków

80%

Kozłowska A. A.

|

tom 24

69-91

EN

The future commander of the 4th Legions’ Infantry Regiment was born on the 4th of April 1876 in the village of Bryńce Zagórne, Autrian Galicia. He grew up in a family of the forester. He completed the Imperial and Royal St Ann’s Gymnasium and in 1898 graduated from the Austro-Hungarian Army Cadet School (Kadettenschule) in Wiener Neustadt near Vienna. In 1899 Bolesław Roja was promoted to second lieutenant. He served in the 36th Land Defence Regiment (k.k. 36 Landwehrinfanterieregiment) in Kolomyia. In 1905 he was transferred to army reserve. Before World War I he cooperated with the Austro-Hungarian intelligence. In 1914 B. Roja joined the Polish Legions, at first in the 2nd Legions’ Infantry Regiment (the 2nd Brigade of the Polish Legions). In March 1915 r. he was promoted to lieutenant colonel and appointed the commander of the 4th Legions’ Infantry Regiment which joined the 3rd Brigade. The regiment was formed in Rozprza near Piotrków Trybunalski. In July 1915 B. Roja moved to the front to fight against the Imperial Russian Army. His regiment took a part in the battle of Jastków near Lublin (July 31-August 3, 1915) and later fought in the Volyn region. In September 1915 B. Roja got promoted to the rank of colonel. In December his regiment was moved to Optowa by the Styr River were the camp of the Polish Legions was set up. It was called the ”Roja’s Camp”. In the beginning of 1916 B. Roja organised the Colonel Council (Rada Pułkowników), a collective body of the Polish legionary officers. In July 1916 he took a part in the Battle of Kostyukhnivka (Kostiuchnówka) in the Volyn region. After the Oath Crisis (Kryzys Przysięgowy) in July 1917 B. Roja left the Polish Legions and rejoined the Austro-Hungarian Army. In 1918 he returned to Kraków where he took over former Austrian Military Command (late October). In November 1918 he was promoted to brigade general and named the commander of Kraków garrison. He served in the Polish Army untill 1922 when he was transferred to reserve. In 1928 B. Roja was elected to the parliament as a member of Stronnictwo Chłopskie peasant party. He frequently criticized Józef Piłsudski and sanacja government. In 1937 he was interned at the psychiatric ward of the Kraków military hospital. In March 1940 the general was arrested by the Germans and placed in Pawiak prison in Warsaw. In May he was transferred to Sachsenhausen concentration camp, where he was murdered in a beastly way on the 27th May 1940.

PL

-

16

Zorganizowane wyjazdy na wieś jako forma pomocy dzieciom łódzkim w latach I wojny światowej

80%

Stawiszyńska A.

Zeszyty Wiejskie

|

2019

|

tom 25

53-68

EN

Horrors of the First World War affected the life of all citizens of Lodz, especially the young ones. Victualing-related problems led to a phenomenon of hunger and numerous strictly connected diseases. Various charity organizations tried to help children from Lodz, for example by organizing countryside excursions for them. The children took part both in a few-week summer stays, as well as in a few-month visits to the countryside. One of the main aims set by the organizers was to improve the overall well-being of children by providing them with proper nutrition. Even though the children staying in the countryside were required to work and help farmers, some positive influence of the aforementioned stays was frequently indicated.

17

Трансформация социокультурных процессов и общественных взглядов провинциального общества под влиянием Первой мировой войны (на примере Полтавской губернии)

70%

Sarancha V. , Shabunina V.

Heteroglossia. Studia Kulturoznawczo-Filologiczne

|

2021

|

nr 11

299-314

EN

The article describes the socio-cultural processes and public views of the Poltava province society formed under the influence of the First World War. The phenomena aroused during the war of 1914-1918 are examined, their influence on fundamental changes in the socio-political, economic and cultural life is investigated. It is noted that at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries the public consciousness of the population of Poltava region represented a complex system of ideas, views, moods and was formed under the influence of cultural tradition and modernization processes. It is demonstrated that the cultural life of the Poltava region at the beginning of the twentieth century was characterized by a wide range of diverse practices both folk-ritual and urban-modernistic ones. It is proved that in wartime conditions a mass culture was formed; its influence spread over a large part of society.

18

Róża Luksemburg przeciwko wojnie. W stulecie śmierci

70%

Gelles K.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2019

|

nr 4 (373)

227-246

EN

The aim of the paper is to present the profile of Rosa Luxemburg as an example of complex and diverse Polish-German relations at the turn of the 20th century. She began her career in the Polish labour movement in the Russian Partition and later continued developing her career in the Social Democratic Party of Germany. She engaged in all forms of political activity gaining international recognition. The research problem is to review the figure of Rosa Luxemburg on the centenary of her tragic death, as a woman who evades simple categorization but came to be known as an intellectual and a leader in a world then dominated by men. The focus is on Rosa Luxemburg’s involvement in actions against the impending world war. Contrary to the militaristic mood prevailing in the German political circles and German society, she courageously and tenaciously carried a pacifistic message - which remains relevant to the present day – that unleashing a war for the benefit of a minority brings only destruction and victims. For her peaceful beliefs and uncompromising attitude she paid with years of imprisonment as she spent almost the entire time of war in prisons: in Berlin, Wronki near Poznań and Wrocław. The authorities insisted on keeping her away from soldiers and labourers who were becoming increasingly susceptible to her words and influences. She was released from prison only on the 9th of November 1918, the day of the outbreak of the German revolution. It is important to highlight her insightful criticism of the then attitude of the SDP, which decided to support the partition plans of the imperial government which ultimately resulted in a split of the labour movement in Germany. The author states the thesis that the inconsistency and irrecoverable loss of unity of the left-wing party as well as its incoherent actions paved the way to power for the Nazis. The research method used in the study was analysis of Rosa Luxemburg’s rich epistolary and journalistic output with reference to mostly German literature on the subject.

19

Sprawa umiędzynarodowienia polskich rzek po pierwszej wojnie światowej

70%

Kastory A.

|

EN

After the First World War victorious countries adopted a rule granting free navigation on all rivers classified as international. This rule applied to such German rivers as the Danube, Elbe, Oder and Neman for which there appointed international river commissions. Poland became a member of International Commission for the Oder as a riverside state. The only commission which finally was not created was the one appointed for the Neman. During the peace conference in Paris there was considered a Czechoslovakian proposal for the internalization of the Vistula. Poland rejected the motion as Poles considered the Vistula a national river. Yet the Little Treaty of Versailles obliged Poland to apply to the Vistula the same regulations as the Treaty of Versailles assumed for German rivers. Furthermore, Poland lost direct control over the Lower Vistula flowing through Gdańsk, which from now on was to be controlled by the Council of the Port and Waterways of the Free City of Danzig. Fear of the internationalisation of the Vistula and of German economic expansion made Poland reject the rule of free navigation on international rivers. Poland did not subject its sections of the Warta and Noteć to the International Commission for the Oder and by doing so it contributed considerably to the dissolution of the Commission. What is more, Poland did not ratify the Barcelona Convention

20

Z nepřátelské uniformy do národní armády? Nábor zajatců jako politický a etický problém zahraničního odboje

70%

Maršálek Z.

Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)

|

2020

|

nr 1

78-87

EN

This paper draws attention to the range of legal, political and moral problems that the country’s representation in exile had to face in connection with the search for human resources when building up military units. Though the issue of recruiting prisoners-of-war from enemy armed forces was resolved in the field of international law, the problems arising from the clash with the national and moral ideals of the resistance movement and with the need to build a propagandistic image of the resistance were much more burdensome