Although the negative representation of women in Nollywood movies is worrisome to scholars, they have done little as regards exploring the feminist linguistic analysis of these movies. Studies have focused on the misrepresentations of women with emphasis on the literary perspectives. This paper attempts a lexical and sentential analysis of feminist ideology of two Nollywood movies. The study adopted Norman Fairclough's model of Critical Discourse Analysis to explain way linguistic are used to instantiate feminist ideology in the movies. Arugba and Maami produced by Tunde Kelani were purposively sampled because of the gender issues in them. Though some movies merely project women as witches and sex slaves, these two movies stand out among those that project the strengths of womanhood. The movies attempt to correct the negative impression about women. Linguistic features such as the lexical indices and mood system are examined. Larger scale features such as allusion and simile are also explored. The study suggests that despite the rot in the value system of the present day Nigeria, there are still women who pass for the ideal. Also, it was discovered that women can determine their fate regardless of what roles the society gives them and could survive even under the worst patriarchy. Beyond their weaknesses, women are necessary to maintain tranquility in the home and the larger society. This paper recommends that movie stakeholders should give responsible roles to women and women should be sensitive and alive to their responsibilities as regulators of the social political Nigerian entity. (original abstract)
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This article presents a short history of the origin and creation of the Almanac "Women and Russia," which began as a samizdat underground publication devoted to the problem of women and childrearing in the USSR. The idea for creating such an Almanac originated in the mid 1970s in the Leningrad circle of 'unofficial culture', at the initiative of the artist Tatyana Mamonova, religious philosopher Tatyana Goricheva, and the women author Natasha Malachovska. The women writers featured in the first edition of the Almanac addressed not only questions about the social conditions prevailing in the USSR, but above all exposed the consequences for women living and functioning in a patriarchal social order, and ironically one where all the questions concerning 'women's rights' were deemed to have been resolved in a progressive fashion much earlier. Not only is the substance of the Almanac important, but the circumstances surrounding its publication and the subsequent consequences related to its publishing also reveal the state of the 'women's movement' in the USSR of that time. These include the reactions of the representatives of the dissident culture, the interventions of the security apparatus and the attendant repression of the women activists and its effect on their lives, and the support of feminist organizations from abroad. Each of the afore-mentioned reactions and consequences became an element of and shaped the everyday lives of the activists involved in the creation of the Almanac. The events related in this work confirm the opinion of those researchers who consider that the publication of the Almanac marked the beginning of the resurrection of the feminist movement in Russia. (original abstract)
21st century Nigerian women poets have continued to utilise the aesthetics of literary devices as linguistic and literary strategies to project feminist privations and values in their creative oeuvres. There has been marginal interest towards 21st century Nigerian women’s poetry and their deployment of artistic devices such as satire, humour and parody. Unequivocally, such linguistic and literary devices in imaginative works are deployed as centripetal force to criticise amidst laughter, the ills of female devaluation in the society. The major thrust of the study, therefore, is to examine how satire, humour and parody are deployed in selected Nigerian women’s poetry to reproach and etch the collective ethos of women’s experience in contemporary Nigerian society. The study utilises qualitative analytical approach in the close reading and textual analysis of the selected texts focusing mainly on the aesthetics of humour, satire and parody in challenging male chauvinism in contemporary Nigerian women’s poetry. Three long poems: “Nuptial Counsel”, “Sadiku’s Song” and “The Sweet, Sweet Mistress’ Tale” by Mabel Evweirhoma and Maria Ajima respectively were purposively selected. The choice of the selected poems hinges on the artistic vigour, especially the evoking of laughter, mockery and condemnation of hegemonic strictures through the use of satire, humour and parody. The paper employs Molara Ogundipe’s Stiwanism, an aspect of Feminist theory in the analysis of the selected poems. The poets have shown the interventions of humour, satire and parody as linguistic devices in condemning and highlighting peculiarities of women peonage in Nigeria.
Despite the proliferation of diverse feminist scholarship in the field of international relations (IR) theory over the past two decades, this body of work has been marginalized in the discipline. Consequently, a key contribution of feminist literature, the introduction of gender in the study of international relations and its focus on the gendered nature of other IR theories is overlooked. Feminists argue that the neglect of gender by other IR theories, specifically realism and its variants, results in a narrow conception of security and does not account for the changing realities in international affairs. Indeed, emphasis has been shifting in the literature from an exclusive focus on national security to a broadening of the concept to encompass human security. (fragment of text)
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The ideas embedded in Enlightenment concepts of subjectivity, understood as a coherentand rational identity, have established a universal perspective for a long time. Today,this outlook is being questioned by the experience of difference. The voices of minoritiesdemanding acceptance and representation, both in social practice and in theory, have becomemore audible. But while theory allows for radical mental conclusions, the social andexistential practices require positive theoretical solutions. A postmodern deconstructedsubject does not constitute a sufficient basis for social activity or political identification.Therefore, a significant challenge for the feminist theory today is to find a form for thesocial subjectivity and, at the same time, avoid an oppressive and reductive category. RosiBraidotti employed the Deleuzian figure of a nomad, and proposed a concept of a subjectbeing resistant to postmodern fragmentation. She made a distinction between identityand subjectivity: identity is rooted in the unconscious, while subjectivity is conscious anda source of political resistance. The resistance is not due to stronger foundations, in comparisonto the Cartesian subject, but results from mobility and openness to the Other. Attemptingto construct a clearly positive conception of a subject, Braidotti proposes ‘a nomadicpolitical project’. The question is: is it possible to put this idea into a social reality ordo we have just another sophisticated theoretical concept?
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Celem artykułu jest ukazanie znaczenia perspektywy feministycznej w nauce o polityce społecznej w kontekście teorii krytycznej. Autorka rozpoczynając od krótkiej charakterystyki założeń myśli feministycznej, rekonstruuje dorobek krytyki feministycznej z perspektywy głównego nurtu badań nad polityką społeczną. Osobne miejsce zajmuje analiza obecności - czy też raczej braku - perspektywy feministycznej w polskiej nauce o polityce społecznej. Artykuł kończy refl eksja nad potrzebą włączenia i rozwijania "wrażliwości krytycznej" w ramach naukowych analiz polityki społecznej.(abstrakt oryginalny)
EN
The aim of the article is to show the signifi cance of a feminist paradigm in the science of social policy in the context of critical theory. Beginning with a short characteristic of a feminist thought, the author reconstructs the dimensions of a feminist critique output from the perspective of the mainstream social policy research. A separate place is reserved for the analysis of the presence - or rather the lack of presence - of a feminist perspective within the Polish refl ection on social policy. The article concludes with the refl ection on the need to include and develop "critical sensitivity" in the framework of the social policy analyses.(original abstract)
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The terms “mal(e)development” and “(com)modification” are coinages that underscore the nexus of the patriarchy, colonialism and capitalism in the Indian context. India has witnessed tremendous development and exploitation of its natural resources in the post‑independence era owing to the aids sponsored by the developed nations. The mal(e) development and (com)modification of India on the western model is masquerading as nation building in the 21st century. Arundhati Roy, the prominent feminist writer‑activist, lays bare this camouflaged maldevelopment and commodification of nature and women. Roy’s concerns are pretty much influenced by eco‑feministic discourse. In post‑independence India, colonialism has resorted to subterfuge, presenting a Western model of development to the developing nations.
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The ideas embedded in Enlightenment concepts of subjectivity, understood as a coherentand rational identity, have established a universal perspective for a long time. Today,this outlook is being questioned by the experience of difference. The voices of minoritiesdemanding acceptance and representation, both in social practice and in theory, have becomemore audible. But while theory allows for radical mental conclusions, the social andexistential practices require positive theoretical solutions. A postmodern deconstructedsubject does not constitute a sufficient basis for social activity or political identification.Therefore, a significant challenge for the feminist theory today is to find a form for thesocial subjectivity and, at the same time, avoid an oppressive and reductive category. RosiBraidotti employed the Deleuzian figure of a nomad, and proposed a concept of a subjectbeing resistant to postmodern fragmentation. She made a distinction between identityand subjectivity: identity is rooted in the unconscious, while subjectivity is conscious anda source of political resistance. The resistance is not due to stronger foundations, in comparisonto the Cartesian subject, but results from mobility and openness to the Other. Attemptingto construct a clearly positive conception of a subject, Braidotti proposes ‘a nomadicpolitical project’. The question is: is it possible to put this idea into a social reality ordo we have just another sophisticated theoretical concept?
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Wydawać by się mogło, że współcześnie nikt już nie kwestionuje znaczenia kobiet dla gospodarki, nadal jednak występują istotne nierówności w traktowani u kobiet i mężczyzn w tej sferze, nie wspominając już o innych dziedzinach życia. Mimo że obserwuje się coraz silniejszą obecność kobiet na rynku pracy oraz postępy w zdobywaniu przez nie coraz wyższego poziomu wykształcenia, kobiety są wielokrotnie dyskryminowane indywidualnie, instytucjonalnie i systemowo. Brak równości kobiet i mężczyzn jest pogwałceniem praw podstawowych, tymczasem równość płci może być atutem ekonomicznym i gospodarczym. Aby osiągnąć priorytety strategii Europa 2020, a mianowicie inteligentny, trwały i sprzyjający włączeniu społecznemu wzrost, należy częściej i skuteczniej wykorzystywać potencjał i umiejętności kobiet. Urzeczywistnienie celu strategii Europa 2020, polegającego na osiągnięciu wskaźnika zatrudnienia kobiet i mężczyzn wynoszącego 75 %, nie jest możliwe do osiągnięcia bez równego uczestnictwa kobiet i mężczyzn w tym procesie. (fragment tekstu)
EN
The purpose of this article is to assess the phenome non of discrimination against women and ways to combat it in the EU. The starting point of consideration is an attempt to define contemporary feminism and to identify the common manifestations of discrimination against women. Set against this background are the institutionalised actions taken in favour of women on a global scale as well as EUs gender policy. It was found that the gap that occurs between gender equality de jure and de facto contributed to the implementation in the EU of the principle of gender mainstreaming (active and visible to the mainstreaming of gender in all strategies, policies and programmes). (original abstract)
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Precarity applies to people who, in order to survive, need to work in a low-quality job, which is uncertain, temporary, low-paid, with no prospect of promotion, no security and no contract. In this sense, the precariat is a category related mostly to the secondary segments of the labour market according to the concept of the dual labour market. It is also the universal feature of Post-Fordism and the modern working conditions in which women, more often than men are located in the "worst" segment of the labour market. In this context, it is worth noting that since the beginning of the era of globalisation, women have mostly worked in the sectors more uncertain and unstable e.g., in the service industries and trade. It has been feminisation in a double sense of the word: there have been more and more working women, on the one hand, and on the other hand, women have usually taken the flexible jobs. Most of these jobs are precarious work. Precarity combined with job insecurity and low wages leaves the workforce in this group unable to plan for their future or afford a decent life. This article attempts to prove that the threat of precarity is more probable for women than men. This claim is supported by the OECD and Eurostat data on precarity for Poland and other European countries. (original abstract)
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K siążka przyciąga uwagę nie tylko tytułem, nietypowym dla publikacji naukowych, ale przede wszystkim interesującą tezą przedstawioną we wstępie, że "walka o prawa wyborcze [kobiet w Anglii - WS] z perspektywy Polski znajdującej się pod zaborami mogła wydawać się egzotyczna i niezrozumiała. W kraju, w którym wolność odebrano wszystkim obywatelom, aktywność kobiet domagających się praw politycznych marginalizowano. Zasługi Polek doceniano przede wszystkim na gruncie krzewienia idei narodowych oraz zaangażowania w walkę o odzyskanie niepodległości. Dlatego popularność wątku sufrażystek na łamach ówczesnej prasy jest tak ciekawa i zaskakująca.jednej strony temat wydawał się odległy i nieprzystający do polskiej rzeczywistości, z drugiej strony trudno znaleźć tytuł prasowy, który nie poświęciłby sufrażystkom choćby wzmianki. Częstotliwość pojawiania się informacji na temat angielskich bojowniczek na łamach gazet i czasopism sugeruje, że przed pierwszą wojną światową był to problem atrakcyjny i absorbujący uwagę dziennikarzy oraz czytelników". Po lekturze książki można powiedzieć, że jest to także jeden z najważniejszych wniosków, które z niej wynikają(fragment tekstu)
Celem artykułu jest przypomnienie postaci Edith Stein i jej działalności na polu edukacji i uzyskaniu większych praw przez kobiety, co miało wzmocnić ich pozycję. Jako młoda dziewczyna i studentka uważała się za sufrażystkę, a jej postawa i działania - pedagogiczne, społeczne i polityczne - wpasowały ją w pierwszą falę feminizmu. Z drugiej strony, jej dalsze działania edukacyjne, naukowe i dziennikarskie pozwalają uznać Stein za prekursora późniejszego feminizmu akademickiego.(abstrakt oryginalny)
EN
The purpose of the article was to remind Edith Stein and her activity on the field of the education and empowerment of women. As a young girl and student, she recognized herself as a suffragette, and her attitude and actions - pedagogical, social and political - fit her into the first wave of feminism. On the other hand, her further educational, scientific and journalistic activities let recognize Stein as a precursor of later academic feminism.(original abstract)
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The article focuses on gender inequality in the field of science and research in the Czech Republic. The authors of this article present an unbiased view on women in science and research and they also point out that gender inequality still exists in Russia and the USA. Based on accessible statistical and information data (see references) that have been elaborated by synthetic-analytical methods, this article authors state their opinion to this topic. (original abstract)
This article argues that the time is ripe to reacquaint sociology and surrealism. Taking inspiration from surrealism’s emphasis on making the ordinary strange through bizarre, lively and sometimes haunting methods might result in a more poetic and playful sociology. The article looks at how this might be applied in practice through drawing on a variety of examples of social research that share some of the tenets of surrealism, not least the latter’s focus on social justice. This enables discussion of a number of methodological concerns stemming from feminist and post-structuralist thought, including the troubling of narrative coherency and the notion of “voice.” Infusing sociology with “a surrealist spirit” requires opening up and moving away from rationality in ways that allow for the exploration of contradictions, irreverence, humor, and paradox.
The author analyzes attitudes to the phenomenon of sexuality on the basis of two theoretical perspectives, the evolutionary and the feminist, between which there has long been conflict. In his opinion, however, they are only seemingly contrary. The main texts of both trends of thought concern entirely different problems and at the substantive level there is basically no contradiction between them. It is important that evolutionary theory often undermines existing cultural schemas, although this is rarely perceived by proponents of feminist theories. Evolutionists, in turn, rather too often identify feminism with radical social constructivism. Another extreme is a view that could be described as evolutionary sexism, consisting in justifying the gender status quo by reference to biological essentialism. After elimination of the extreme approaches, which are rare in any case, it is possible to use the results of evolutionary research in the debate over gender equality and to transform the two monologues into a cohesive dialogue; this, in the author’s opinion, is an important task for empirically oriented social theory
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Artykuł podejmuje zagadnienia związane ze służbą kobiet w formacjach policyjnych Republiki Słowenii. Przedstawia strukturę organizacyjną słoweńskiej policji, historię zatrudniania kobiet w tej formacji oraz aktualne dane statystyczne dotyczące pełnienia służby przez policjantki. Nakreśla również znaczenie Europejskiej Sieci Policjantek, jako inicjatywy, w której słoweńska policja bierze czynny udział. Głównym celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie zakresu i charakteru służby kobiet w policji słoweńskiej, włącznie z przyczynami wyboru takiej ścieżki rozwoju zawodowego oraz społecznym odbiorem działań wysoko sfeminizowanej policji. Autorka podejmuje ponadto kwestię współpracy pomiędzy funkcjonariuszami obu płci i jej wpływu na skuteczność realizowanych przez policję działań. (abstrakt oryginalny)
EN
Article contains review of the women service in police formations in the Republic of Slovenia. It shows the organizational structure of the Slovenian police, the history of women employment in this formation and current statistics of women police service. Important part of the article states about European Service of Policewomen, because Slovenian police takes part in this initiative. Main aim of this article is to present women service in police formations, including the reasons for choosing this path of their career. No less important is social perception of the way how activities and requests taken by this highly female-dominated police. Author also shows how cooperation between male and woman police officers can influence the effectiveness of police operations. (original abstract)
Existing results suggest that entrepreneurs vary considerably in their intentions to grow their businesses; that men have more success in pursing growth than women. Prior investigations on entrepreneurship also suggest female business owners might deliberately choose to keep their business from growing. However, these studies have been conducted in developed countries. Diversity in context and theories could vary by gender, business sectors and regions of the world. Scholars maintain that feminist perspectives theories are necessary to provide some insights in understanding the phenomena. The goal of this paper is to analyse research findings on the growth aspirations of the female entrepreneurs and offer alternative views of understanding, by employing feminist theories, in explaining why women behave differently in their adaptation of reduced growth intentions. In an attempt to understand the tendencies that might lead to reduced growth intentions in female entrepreneurship, literature was extensively reviewed on female entrepreneurship and growth intentions. The study uses a desk-based approach to data collection. An overview of the main issues concerning female entrepreneurs growth intentions is presented. The conclusions drawn from the literature provide foundations for policy measures assisting women to overcome their low growth aspirations and measures required to encourage women to grow their businesses. The paper identifies research gaps that continue to exist in female entrepreneurs growth intentions research with the aim of encouraging further research in this field. (original abstract)
Artykuł porusza kwestię miejsca i obecności kobiet w sferze publicznej, a także wpływania na nie przez instytucję, jaką jest Trybunał Konstytucyjny. Za pomocą analizy dyskursu autorka badała orzeczenia Trybunału Konstytucyjnego, a także dyskurs medialny, które ukazują dominujące tendencje dotyczące praw kobiet w polskim konstytucjonalizmie. Autorka, używając kategorii kontrpubliczności, przybliża także ruchy emancypacyjne istotne ze względu na prawa kobiet i ich obecność w sferze publicznej. Przygląda się także mitom dotyczącym Trybunału Konstytucyjnego. W polskim konstytucjonalizmie dostrzega pole do zaistnienia procesów emancypacyjnych.(abstrakt oryginalny)
EN
The article discusses the issue of the place and presence of women in the public sphere, and tries to answer the question of how these matters are impacted by the institution of the Constitutional Tribunal. Applying the method of discourse analysis, I have examined the Polish Constitutional Tribunal's decisions and looked into the media discussion, with both revealing dominant trends regarding women's rights in Polish constitutionalism. Using the category of counterpublics, I also cover emancipation movements important on account of women's rights and their presence in the public domain. I also address the common myths concerning the Constitutional Tribunal. There are also mentions of room for the materialisation of emancipation processes in Polish constitutionalism.(original abstract)
Nazwisko Hannah Arendt nie zajmuje w Feminist City Leslie Kern prominentnej pozycji. Przeciwnie, w tym smukłym, elegancko wydanym tomie nie pada ono ani razu. Czytając recenzowaną książkę, nie byłem jednak w stanie przestać wracać myślami do autorki Ludzi w mrocznych czasach i jej rozważań na temat polityczności i przestrzeni. Dlaczego? Jest to ciekawe w perspektywie renesansu, który od przynajmniej kilku lat przeżywa twórczość Hannah Arendt. W sytuacji zagrożenia prawicowym populizmem, nawrotu faszyzmu i nacjonalizmu oraz ponawiających się ataków na demokrację wielu autorów i publicystów coraz chętniej sięga do twórczości autorki Kondycji ludzkiej, szukając w niej odpowiedzi i wskazówek, jak należy rozumieć problemy, z którymi się mierzymy. Jednocześnie renesans ten jest zadziwiająco płytki: Hannah Arendt pojawia się w nim jako badaczka tyranii i zbrodni, a jej bogaty, wielopostaciowy i niejednoznaczny dorobek sprowadza się w nim do Korzeni totalitaryzmu i Eichmanna w Jerozolimie. W konsekwencji wiele z tego, co w jej myśli było i nadal jest szczególnie interesujące i innowacyjne, nie znajduje dla siebie miejsca we współczesnych cytowaniach z Banalności zła. (fragment tekstu)
Anna Titkow, autorka słownikowej definicji feminizmu, pisze, że termin ten pojawił się po raz pierwszy w 1933 r. na oznaczenie "obrony praw kobiet". "Współcześnie jest stosowany na określenie różnorodnych ideologii, ruchów i działań społecznych, koncepcji teoretycznych, których przedmiotem jest sytuacja i pozycja kobiet w społeczeństwie". Jak widać, pojęcie to obejmuje bardzo szeroki obszar zagadnień. W węższym znaczeniu feminizm można sprowadzić do trzech kwestii. Po pierwsze, przekonania, że pozycja kobiet i mężczyzn w społeczeństwie jest efektem działania społecznych, a nie biologicznych czynników. Po drugie, przeświadczenia, że ich aktualna sytuacja i posiadany status są niesprawiedliwe. Po trzecie zaś - uznania konieczności podejmowania działań zmierzających na rzecz zmiany istniejących warunków. (fragment tekstu)
EN
The objective of the study is to show the diversity of ways to discuss women's issues. Anna Titkow, the author of the dictionary definition of feminism, writes that this term appeared for the first time in 1933 and designated "defending the rights of women". "Today is applied to a variety of ideologies, movements and social activities, theoretical concepts concerned with the situation and position of women in society." In a narrower sense, feminism can be reduced to three issues:1) the belief that the positions of men and women in society, are a result of social rather than biological factors; 2) the belief that their current situation and ownership status are unfair; and 3) the recognition of the need to take action to change existing conditions. According to A. Titkow, this allows to differenciate between studies focusing on the "woman" and those of feminist approach and all the rest. This position would be consistent with the views of other researchers, who acknowledge that the diversity of research, does not translate into one single theory of feminism. (original abstract)
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