Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Parlamenty narodowe i ich rola w integracji europejskiej. Deficyt demokracji w UE w czasach kryzysu ekonomicznego i niepewności politycznej

100%

Zalewska M. , Gstrein O. J.

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nr 1

s.51-74

EN

The article describes and assesses the role of national parliaments in EU legislation considering the reforms introduced by the Lisbon Treaty. This is closely connected with the understanding and (political) application of the principle of subsidiarity. After an analysis of the possibilities and limitations of the relevant legal regulations in the post-Lisbon age, alternative ways for participation of national legislators on the European level are being scrutinized and proposed. The issue of democratic legitimisation is also interconnected with the current political reforms being discussed in order to overcome the ‘Euro-crisis’. Finally, the authors argue that it does not make sense to include national parliaments in the existing legislative triangle of the EU and they promote the creation of a new kind of supervisory body instead.

2

Zasady systemu instytucjonalnego Unii Europejskiej

100%

Rewizorski M.

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nr 1

s.29-50

EN

The institutional system of the European Union consists of both certain institutions and specific principles delimiting its powers. Similarly to the EU, which is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, liberty, democracy, equality, the rule of law, and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities, the institutions enumerated in Article 13 TEU are based on the principles of: institutional autonomy, institutional balance, single institutional framework and loyal inter-institutional cooperation. These principles are, to a large extent, the product of reasonable sensibleactivities of the Court of Justice. The said rules serve as signposts designed to provide direction for the EU’s institutions in a complex political reality strongly influenced by provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon.

3

Does the New Industrial Strategy for Europe Follow the Path of the Concept of Industry 4.0?

80%

Borowicz A.

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nr 1

85-102

EN

The concept of Industry 4.0 turns 10 years old in 2021. This milestone calls for renewed inquiries to review the current efforts of the European Union (EU) and its Member States towards the modernisation of European industry. In 2018, the European Commission published the Digital Transformation Scoreboard 2018: EU businesses go digital: Opportunities, outcomes and uptake, which reports on the readiness for the digital revolution focused on building an economy in line with the concept of Industry 4.0 at three levels: European, national, and business. This study shows how much still remains to be done. At the same time, it identifies some of the key elements contributing to the success in this area, i.e., the digitisation of machines, Big Data, robotics and artificial intelligence, which represent the very essence of the idea of revolution 4.0. The aim of the paper is to determine the extent to which the new strategy for industry proposed by the European Commission in 2020 follows the concept of Industry 4.0. Quantitative and qualitative research methods were used. Statistical analysis was used to demonstrate the importance of industry in the economy of the European Union between 1998 and 2019 in terms of the share in the added value created and the significance for the labour market. The descriptive methods used include a review of the literature and research on the concept of Industry 4.0 and an analysis of the latest strategic documents of the European Commission (EC) in relation to industrial policy.

4

Brexit and Its Consequences for the European Union and Member States, With Particular Emphasis on the Visegrad Group Countries: A Neorealist Analysis

80%

Chojan A.

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nr 2

51-65

EN

This article focuses on analysing the consequences of Brexit for the European Union and its Member States, with particular emphasis on the Visegrad Group (V4) countries. Through the prism of neorealism theory, the changes in the balance of power and international dynamics resulting from Great Britain’s exit from the EU are analysed. The aim is not only to identify speciﬁc Brexit outcomes but also to understand the mechanisms inﬂuencing relations among European states, especially in the future. In this context, neorealist analysis becomes a particularly valuable tool, allowing us to view Brexit not only as a one-time incident but also as a manifestation of broader trends in global international relations which may adopt disintegrative stances in the future.

5

Lessons from the “Constitutional Mythology” or How to Reconcile the Concept of State Sovereignty with European Intagration

80%

Hamuľák O.

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nr 2

75-90

EN

This paper analyses the question of how to perceive the traditional theoretical concept of state sovereignty vis-á-vis European integration. Within the European project we face the paradox of having two authorities claiming autonomy and dominance. It is undisputable that the European Union is behaving like an autonomous public power - the new sovereign of its kind. But at the same time the Member States also maintain their sovereign statehood. This duality cannot be comprehended together with the old characteristics of sovereignty, which accepts only one holder of this feature. To reconcile the phenomena of European integration and the concept of sovereignty, we must shift into new definitions of the latter. This paper argues in favour of the acceptation of a shared sovereignty concept.

6

The British Position towards European Integration: A Different Economic and Political Approach

60%

Troitiño D. R.

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nr 1

119-136

EN

The United Kingdom has had an important position in Europe for centuries. Often it is seen as an anti-European country, or as being anti-integration in Europe but it is just defending its own interests, which in many cases hare differed from other members of the European Communities. The UK policy towards European cooperation has been influenced by the particular interest of the country, but there has always been a strong relation between the British and Europe. Great Britain had the biggest empire in human history spread all over the globe, and hence its interest was global rather than limited to local European states. The UK was a victorious country in the Second World War, the only Western European state that participated actively in Nazi defeat. As an important consequence, British nationalism was seen as a positive force to unite all the British against an external threat. During centuries, the British economy has been based on trade, and internationally the government supported and expanded the free trade idea in the world economy to European trade relations. This paper analyzes the main issues that explain the special relations between the EU and the UK. The paper is developed from a historical point of view with a methodology’ based on the critical review of historical facts from a global perspective of the whole traditional approach of the UK towards European integration.

7

“A Europe of Homelands or Homeland Europe” - Contemporary Limitations of the Idea of the Federalisation of the European Union

60%

Sienko N.

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nr 2

29-48

EN

In this article, the author touches on the evolution of the European integration process, trying to capture the essence of the idea of federalisation on the way to the creation of the European Union. The theoretical narrative within federal thoughts is complemented by contemporary limitations both in the formal acceptance of the idea of federalisation of the European Union and in the informal “pole organizing the imagination” as mentioned by T. Mazowiecki. The main narrative, therefore, concerns the division of the field of EU integration between the analysis of structural limitations of the idea of federalisation of the European Union, including the system and jurisdictions of nation states, as well as ideational limitations, individual approach of the Member States to the integration process or the electoral success of Eurosceptics.

8

Axiological Disintegration of the EU? The Case of Hungary

60%

Góralczyk B.

Yearbook of Polish European Studies

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2015

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nr 18

81-110

EN

In 2010 Hungary entered a new chapter in its history, described on the domestic stage as ‘the struggle for freedom’, the ‘age of national independence’ (from any foreign diktat) and the ‘unorthodox economy’, which led also to its ‘opening to the East’ (including China and Russia). The unquestioned leader of the state, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, even confi rmed that this is ‘an illiberal system’, moving ever further and further away from the liberal democracy established in 1990. Using mainly Hungarian language sources (as only small part of the crucial material is available in English), this study tries to describe the essence of the new system, the way it works, and what it looks like. The importance of this Hungarian case study lies in the fact that it constitutes yet another challenge on the path of European integration, along with so many other obstacles that have recently been occurring. Is the new Hungarian system a model for the others in the region and for the whole EU? No one knows the answer, but it is high time we examined what the Hungarian system looks like from the inside, after its departure from the rule of law, liberal democracy, and the system of checks and balances.

9

Perspectives of the Swiss policy towards the European Union

57%

Tomczyk M.

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nr 4

121-132

PL

Stosunki między Szwajcariąa Unią Europejską mogą być postrzegane jako interesujące, a jednocześnie jako bezprecedensowy przykład nowej, elastycznej integracji. Mimo ponad dekady owocnej współpracy, wiele jej aspektów pozostaje kontrowersyjnymi. Problem autonomicznej adaptacji, braku możliwości wpływania na procesy decyzyjne na terytorium Wspólnot, otwarcia rynku pracy dla obywateli nowych państw członkowskich UE lub inne problemy związane z instytucjonalnym wymiarem realizacji umów. To tylko część problemów, które mogą być wymienione w tym kontekście. Można więc postawić zasadnicze pytanie: co będzie dalej? Czy ten bezprecedensowy przykład nowej formy integracji osiągnął już swoje granice? Jakie mogą być perspektywy przyszłej współpracy? Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba znalezienia odpowiedzi na powyższe pytania. W rozważaniach uwzględniono kilka scenariuszy, będących wynikiem analizy aktualnych warunków i doświadczeń, jak również na oceny bieżącej strategii politycznej szwajcarskiego rządu. Mowa o: kontynuacji stosunków dwustronnych, przystąpieniu do Unii Europejskiej lub zawarciu umowy ramowej czy też stowarzyszenia. Scenariusze te są analizowane w celu znalezienia odpowiedzi na pytanie o najbardziej prawdopodobny przebieg przyszłych stosunków między Unią Europejską a Szwajcarią.

EN

Relations between Switzerland and the European Union might be perceived as interesting, and at the same time an unprecedented example of the new, flexible integration. Despite more than a decade of fruitful cooperation, many of its aspects remains controversial. The problem of autonomous adaptation, lack of ability to influence decision-making processes within the Community, the opening of the labor market for new EU member states or other institutional aspects of the implementation of the agreements. These are just a part of the problems, which could be mentioned here. So the basie ąuestion remains - what will happen next? Has this an unprecedented example of a new form of integration reached its limits? What could be the prospects for the futurę cooperation? This article attempts to fmd answers to these ąuestions. Several scenarios are taking under consideration, based on an analysis of current conditions and experiences, as well as on evaluation of the current political strategy of the govemment. That is: continuation of the bilateral relations, the accession to the European Union or the conclusion of a framework or association agreement. Those scenarios are being analysed in order to find the most probably solution for the futurę relations between European Union and Switzerland.

10

Opposition Discourse About National Recovery and Resilience Plans. Poland and Hungary Compared

51%

Dudzińska A. , Ilonszki G.

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nr 1

37-62

EN

Although the governments of Poland and Hungary seem to similarly contest the conditionality mechanism that requires one to respect the rule of law when using EU funds, there are differences between these countries. They become visible in the framing of political communication as regards the opposition parties. This article seeks to identify the grounds of the competition from parliamentary opposition of the governments in relation to the EU Recovery and Resilience Fund. An analysis of 2021's parliamentary debates on national recovery and resilience plans revealed three communication frameworks: the financial frame (the policy dimension), the quality of governance frame (the politics dimension), and the European integration frame which shaped domestic political rivalry (the polity dimension). Differences within these framings between the narrative of the Polish and Hungarian opposition resulted from different institutional and structural contexts. The study confirms the importance of national opposition parties for the analysis of the process of European integration. The existence of a liberal opposition may promote the salience of the topic of European integration in domestic political debate.

11

John Enoch Powell a britský euroskepticismus na přelomu šedesátých a sedmdesátých let dvacátého století

51%

Slabý P.

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nr 2

83-110

EN

Enoch Powell was the first authenticBritish eurosceptic and generally important British politician with ideology of greatscope and importance. Margaret Thatcher declared that “He was first on Europe”. Milton Friedman said “He was the only man in Britain who knew what to dowith economy”. This article goes chronologically through his political career and shows gradualdevelopment of Powell’s thinking. Special emphases is set on his most brilliantthoughts on European political integration, defense of parliament democracy andeconomic policy. His than lonely voice made it to history because of his vigour. Hesaw the EMU as a tool for French or German dominance on the Continent. Creationof common European political entity of any kind was a complete nonsense to him. He was alsothe first representative of return to Conservative economic policy in the 80’s.

12

The Conception of Diversity in the EU

51%

Biskub I. , Danylchuk A.

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2020

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tom 1

211-223

EN

The growing diversity of the European Union is seen as one of its core political and cultural characteristics. As a result, the idea of a common EU identity is based on the understanding of how different cultures, traditions and languages of Europe enrich its population and strengthen the Union. “United in Diversity” is the official motto of the EU. Despite the fact, that multilingualism is seen as an important component of the EU Language Policy, English is still (and likely will continue to be) very popular among the non-native speakers of the European Union. It is used as lingua franca that aids intercultural communication, mobility and various educational programs like Erasmus+. Our analysis of the concept DIVERSITY and its verbalizers in the EU English-language academic and official discourse demonstrated that the most frequent collocates with “diversity” are formed with help of the attributes “cultural”, “linguistic” and “gender”. The results show the EU priority areas of the implementation of its “United in Diversity” policy.

XX

Wzrastająca różnorodność Unii Europejskiej jest postrzegana jako jedna z jej wartości politycznych i kulturowych. W konsekwencji idea wspólnej tożsamości UE opiera się na pojmowaniu tego, jak różne kultury, tradycje i języki Europy wzbogacają jej mieszkańców oraz jednoczą Unię. „Zjednoczona w różnorodności” – to oficjalna dewiza UE. Mimo że wielojęzyczność postrzegana jest jako istotny składnik polityki językowej UE, język angielski wciąż jest (i prawdopodobnie będzie nadal) bardzo popularny wśród obywateli Unii Europejskiej, dla których nie jest on językiem ojczystym. Język angielski działa jako lingua franca i sprzyja relacjom międzykulturowym, mobilności oraz wdrażaniu różnorodnych programów edukacyjnych, na kształt Erasmus+. Nasza analiza konceptu DIVERSITY i jego werbalizatorów w angielskojęzycznym akademickim i oficjalnym unijnym dyskursie wskazuje, że najczęściej z «diversity» używane są przymiotniki „cultural”, „linguistic” oraz „gender”. Wyniki świadczą, że właśnie te kierunki są priorytetowymi w realizacji strategii UE „Zjednoczona w różnorodności”.

13

Europejska inicjatywa obywatelska. Nieefektywnie wykorzystane pokłady społecznej aktywności

41%

Zdanowicz M.

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nr 2(48)

105-122

PL

Celem artykułu jest analiza praktyki wykorzystania europejskiej inicjatywy obywatelskiej (EIO). Analizie poddano inicjatywy, którym Komisja Europejska (KE) odmówiła rejestracji; inicjatywy wycofane przez wnioskodawców; oraz inicjatywy, które nie zdobyły wystarczającej ilości podpisów. Przeprowadzone badania pokazują, że jest to cenna inicjatywa dla demokratyzacji w Unii Europejskiej (UE). Jednak wysoki współczynnik odmów rejestracji proponowanych inicjatyw obywatelskich oraz niski poziom inicjatyw zakończonych powodzeniem wskazuje na konieczność przeprowadzenia zmian w obowiązujących przepisach.

EN

The main purpose of this article is the analysis of the practice of using the European citizens’ initiative. Initiatives which were refused for registration; withdrawn; and those with insufficient support were analysed. Conducted research shows that it is valuable initiative for democratisation of the European Union. However, high ratio of refusal of registration and low quantity of successful initiatives indicates necessity of carrying out changes in current law.

14

Dzialania podejmowane celem spelnienia wymogow integracji z Unia Europejska

31%

Draus S.

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nr 2

19-26