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1
Content available remote Poland's Services Trade with the European Union During the Preaccession Period
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EN
The fact that, since 1 May 2004, Poland has the status of European Union member involves certain consequences for Poland's competitiveness in the international services trade market. What competitive position will Poland finally occupy among the EU countries in the postaccession period will to a large extent depend on Poland's present position in the services trade with the EU countries. So, the paper tries to present, on the basis of the most recent available statistical data published by the OECD and Eurostat, the size and structure of Poland's services trade with the EU countries during the preaccession period and, basing on these data, analyzes the degree of Poland's competitiveness in the services trade with the EU countries in the years preceding Poland's accession to this integration group. In the paper, the size and structure of the export and import of services between Poland and the European Union as a whole as well as between Poland and individual EU countries are presented and the service sectors are identified in which Poland enjoys a comparative advantage and those in which there is no such advantage. Also, kinds of services are identified in which some EU countries specialize and, consequently, are Poland's competitors. The paper also deals with the phenomenon of the intrabranch trade as a kind of international exchange alternative to the interbranch trade, that in a particular way refers to the turnover of services.
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2016
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tom 7
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nr 4
551-563
EN
Indebtedness is undoubtedly one of the most significant economic problems in the countries of the EU. Despite the fact that the EU-28 have adopted criteria and measures that should regulate indebtedness, the majority of member states are not keeping up to these previously agreed rules. For many countries indebtedness has become a barrier to further development. The article’s aim is to provide an overview of the indebtedness of EU member states and to explore whether this indebtedness is linked to or even dependent on selected economic characteristics (GDP, unemployment rate and social benefits paid as a share of GDP). Data from the EU-28 countries, the Eurozone and the countries outside the Eurozone will be studied separately on the assumption that there will be differences between the countries in the Eurozone and those outside it. In the investigation of the issue only secondary data from the official statistics can be used. All the data are taken from Eurostat and then processed using the standard methods of descriptive statistics and correlation analysis. The analysis carried out showed that the average indebtedness of the EU-28 countries is higher than set by the EU criteria, and at the same time confirmed that there is a difference in debt levels between countries within and outside the Eurozone. The Eurozone countries show indebtedness that is overall higher than in countries outside the Eurozone, while at the same time they show a moderately strong linear dependence both between indebtedness and unemployment rates and between indebtedness and payments of social benefits. In the countries outside the Eurozone it was shown that while the relationship between indebtedness and the unemployment rate was weak that between indebtedness and the payment of social benefits was relatively strong.
EN
May 1, 2004 is a joyful day for the Polish society. Poland became a member of the European-Union! The Austrians did not enjoy the admission of the 10 countries of Central and Eastern Europe to the EU. At that time only 38% of Austrians were satisfied with EU membership. Before the enlargement of the Union Austria suggested a seven-year grace period for citizens from new member states who wish to work in the area of the EU and the protection period for the four main industries. Members of the Austrian Government and the Commissioner, Franz Fischler expresses a hope that Austrian entrepreneurs would expand to the east. Sixty seven percent of entrepreneurs of small Austrian companies felt, however, that EU enlargement will not bring the country any benefits. They pressured the government to protect its own labor market, agriculture and border regions.
EN
Fiscal governance is defined as a combination of institutions, rules and norms that structure good governance in the area of fiscal policy. It can be named as the specific mechanism of coordination by using of tools such as: budgetary procedures (legislative fiscal rules), fiscal rules (numerical) and independent fiscal institutions/ fiscal councils. Fiscal governance focuses on how the fiscal policy is planned, approved, conducted and monitored, including the involvement of not only public bodies, but the business sector and civil society too. In this study, particular attention was paid to capturing the essence of the relationship between the qualitative elements of fiscal councils activity and its impact on stabilizing the public finances in the view of fiscal governance concept. During the last world crisis in the EU countries, an interest in establishing fiscal councils has increased. Before 2008 there were only seven institutions in the EU, while in 2014 there are already 19. The question is - are these institutions efficient in stabilizing public finances? Therefore, the main objective of the article is the assessment of the role of the fiscal councils in the coordination of the fiscal policy in the EU Member States. The conducted analysis verifies this role on the basis of theoretical deliberation of the current state of the art. The empirical research verifies fiscal councils’ dependence on fiscal balance of EU countries. Research was conducted on the basis of the European Commission, Eurostat and International Monetary Fund data sets.
EN
The third part of the article deals with the legal basis for adopting a European Civil Code in Community law and with its legitimacy and outlines certain problems of European supranational codification of civil law concerning in particular a uniform application of unified rules, legal pluralism and the appropriate form of a supranational civil code. The author points out that the question of adopting a uniform civil code for Europe is not only related to legal, but also to many extralegal categories and policy-based considerations. As to the feasibility of a European Civil Code, the author comes to the conclusion that the rules of civil law can be unified in form of a uniform civil code. However, clear economic and political arguments in favour of such a solution are currently missing. Moreover, even if a political agreement to adopt a European code were reached, which seems improbable, without at least certain elements of a common legal culture, the unified rules would not be applied in a uniform way in various legal environments. Nonetheless, given the converging tendencies in the European legal area, the author concludes that European private law is on its albeit long way towards a European Civil Code. However, this code will almost certainly not be a classic code, but rather a postmodern open-textured set of rules the concrete form of which cannot predicted yet.
EN
Transportation is essential for the functioning of the economy since mobility greatly supports growth and job creation. The transport sector in the EU employs about 10 million people and provides approximately 5% of the GDP. The efficiency of the transport systems is a prerequisite for competitiveness and significantly affects the quality of life of people. Logistics plays a key role in terms of sustainable and competitive mobility in Europe and other objectives, such as a cleaner environment, security of energy supply, and widely available transport facilities. The use of safe and environmentally friendly vehicles is the main priority of all modes of transportation. The key changes include alternative fuels, new materials, new propulsion systems as well as information technology and traffic management techniques. The organization of the transportation of raw materials and finished products within and outside the EU depends on the efficient operation of logistic networks. This is primarily an industrial activity and creating the right framework conditions is the responsibility of the relevant authorities. In my study I analysed the situation of logistics in Europe and in Hungary. In order to exploit the benefits and to avoid the disadvantages of globalization the European Union implements structural changes which I describe and analyse. Considering the EU and Hungary this paper covers the following areas: − The effects of globalisation, − The climate-, energy-, and environment protection policy of the EU and their connection to logistics, − Tendencies in the changes of the transport sector, − The possible changes in passenger and freight transport, − The characteristics of the infrastructure and the requirements for its development, − Future prospects of logistics. On the basis of my examinations I will draw conclusions and offer suggestions regarding modifications in areas I consider most problematic.
EN
EU accession has changed the agro-food trade of New Member States, including Hungary. The article focuses on analysing the changing structure and comparative advantage of Hungarian agro-food trade by product group and degree of processing. It aims to provide a clearer analysis of the effects of EU accession on Hungarian primary and processed agro-food trade by employing the latest data. Results confirm that revealed comparative advantages have weakened after accession and that the vast majority of products had a revealed comparative disadvantage after 2004. It is clear that accession has radically changed the survival time of agro-food trade, reasons for which are also identified.
EN
The EU-Turkey relations date back to 1960s when the European project started. With the Ankara Agreement of 12 September 1963, Turkey became an Associate member of the European Economic Community which was then an economic organisation from which today’s EU emerged. The EU’s December 1997 sidelining of Turkey’s application for full membership turned the direction on 3 October 2005 and Turkey begin its accession negotiations with the EU. Since then there is still ongoing debate based on cultural, economic and political assessment whether Turkey will fit to be a member of the EU. From the perspective of the institutional norms of Copenhangen criteria, the EU could possibly embrace all countries, regardless of culture, religion and historical background. The EU’s uncompleted institutional structure gives rise some spatial, temporal and thematic scopes which introduce some new accession criteria such as European state, European identity, absorption capacity, open-ended process and approval of the member states which will make more complicated Turkey’s full membership bid to the EU. Despite Turkey’s institutional reforms which bring the country that much closer towards fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria and its dynacmic economy which makes Turkey as the second country that fits the Maastricht criteria in Europe, European politicians and citizens remain deeply divided on Turkey’s accession bid to the EU as a full member. As a consequence, the alternative accession proposals which depreciate the full membership of Turkey are argued by the EU’s core members. The purpose of this article is to answer the vague accession criteria, the different accession proposals towards Turkey and explain the new bargaining position of Turkey for its accession bid to the EU. The exclusion of Turkey from the EU’s enlargement process will be evaluated by different theoretical approaches which constitute the interplay of the liberal intergovernmentalism, historical institutionalism and path dependency process, rationalist approaches and sociological institutionalism.
EN
In the article were shown the results of cross-sectional and dynamic analysis of diversification of the level and structure of household debt and the problems with its repayment in the EU countries over the period 2005-2009. In the article the multidimen-sional methods of data analysis (cluster analysis – k-means method) which enabled to classify the households in the EU according to the characteristics that were used describe its debt. Moreover, in order to determine the quantitative relationships between the level of household debt, and between the frequency of occurring the problem with debt repayment, the tools of correlation and regression analysis were used.
EN
Since the Balkan Wars in the 1990s, Serbia has been perceived by Europe as its enfant terrible. This is an effect of Serbian war crimes, of an unwillingness to cooperate with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and general reluctance towards Western political structures in Serbian society. The tension between the West and Serbia grew particularly high in 1999 during the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, and in 2008 when Kosovo proclaimed independence. In spite of these tensions, within last few years Serbia has been successfully involved in a normalisation process with Kosovo as a part of its rapprochement with the EU. Serbia has opened itself to the West but it still maintains good relations with Russia, regardless of the Kremlin’s foreign policy activities. Hence, the author argues that rethinking relations and cutting certain ties with Russia should be among the key conditions for Serbia to join the EU, no less important than normalisation with Kosovo.
EN
This contribution examines the relationship between military expenditures and economic growth in 28 EU countries between 1993 and 2014. The paper aims to verify the first pioneering hypothesis which claims that there is a negative relationship between military expenditures and economic growth in relatively poorer countries and a positive relationship in relatively richer countries. A cluster analysis is used to divide the nations into individual groups. The Feder-Ram model and multiple regression analysis with modified variables are than estimated for all groups based on the cluster analysis. The findings of the regression analysis mainly verified the hypothesis and showed a significant positive relationship between defence spending and economic growth in the case of more resource- abundant countries and a significant negative relationship in the case of more resource-constrained countries. However, the Feder-Ram model showed statistically in significant effects of military expenditures on economic growth.
EN
There have been many geopolitical changes and economic factors that affected the mutual trade between the EU and its main trading partners between the years 2005 and 2016. In the long term, one of the most important trade partners of the EU is Russia. It is a major supplier of energy resources to the EU as well as significant export market for European producers. Even today, when mutual trade relations are negatively influenced by trade-political sanctions, the mutual dependence is undeniable. The submission evaluates the mutual trade between the EU and Russia with the use of selected indices - revealed comparative advantages, intra-industry trade and trade intensity. The analysis of these indicators points to strategic importance of this trade relation. However, if the EU wants to sustain this relation, it should consider how to solve the current tension and after that to strengthen future mutual relations.
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(Polish title: Ocena prognozowanej sytuacji gospodarczej USA i wybranych krajow UE w latach 2012-2015 z wykorzystaniem metody pieciokata stabilizacji makroekonomicznej). The combined US and EU economies account for nearly half of the global GDP. In 2009, the total value of transatlantic economic relations, trade and investment flows included, was 780 billion euros. The scope and intensity of these relations are determined by multi- and bilateral initiatives such as ratified treaties or the activity of the TEC (Transatlantic Economic Council). Unquestionably, the quality of economic ties largely depends on the economic condition of parties involved. The knowledge concerning the factors of economic success is a prerequisite for international economic coordination undertaken in order to identify any irregularities and imbalances and thus address possible crises. This paper, attempts to evaluate the macroeconomic situation of the USA and selected EU countries: France, Germany, Italy, United Kingdom and Poland in years 2012-2015. The used methodology bases on the concept of Macroeconomic Stabilisation Pentagon (MSP), which in the literature is applied mainly for the analysis of emerging and developing countries. The results obtained indicate that Germany may have the most stable economy, as measured by MSP, which, however, seems to be deteriorating, deteriorating over time, whereas Poland, whose macroeconomic performance ranks at the bottom of the list, should experience steady improvement.
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Content available remote Tourism in Poland following EU entry
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The aim of this study was to examine how tourism developed in Poland following EU entry. A particularly large increase in local government spending on tourism and foreign tourist expenditures have been observed for the study period in Poland. An increase in passenger volume at Polish airports has also been observed. Among the many factors influencing the situation in the domestic tourism market, regulations relating to EU entry and the inflow of grants from the EU were of leading importance. At the same time, Poland’s entry into the EU may accelerate some change processes, the effects of which may be observed in the future.
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Content available remote EUROPEANIZATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES: REDEFINING CONCEPTS IN A UNITED EUROPE
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EN
‘Europeanization’ is a term widely used yet hard to define, and applying existing definitions to the new EU member states poses challenges. In the context of political parties and party change, identifying direct and indirect impacts of Europeanization is complicated by the strong effects of EU conditionality. A new framework for defining Europeanization may include re-examining how parties in new member states relate to the EU as a political and economic project. The EU may affect not merely organisational structures and programmes of parties, but also the shape of the party system itself. Where accession proved problematic, as in the Slovak case, development of complex EU-related policies may be impeded, with parties less concerned with uploading policy preferences. A better understanding the nature of party politics in Central and Eastern Europe will facilitate research about how they have been Europeanized.
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EN
The minimum wage in EU countries is applied either by law or through agreement between social partners. The aim of this paper is to create a typology of EU countries with respect to the amount of the statutory minimum wage and selected characteristics (economic level, educational level of the population and rate of unemployment). The analysis draws on official statistical data which have been processed using statistical methods. After the evaluation of the values of the calculated coefficients of correlation, only two characteristics were included in the cluster analysis (economic level and educational level). The reason for this, is that it was shown that the amount of the minimum wage and the rate of unemployment were independent variables. On the basis of the results of the cluster analysis, seven clusters were identified. From the description and analysis of the individual clusters it was not possible to draw any definitive conclusion on whether a particular level of minimum wage is bound to a certain educational level. Even the statement that higher statutory minimum wages are found in countries with higher economic level can only be made with considerable caution. It was also evident that “old” EU countries showed much greater homogeneity in these characteristics than was found in the “new”ones.
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The issue considered is the identification and assessment of measures undertaken in the years 2008-2013 by the member states of the EU as well as the EU as such towards limiting the effects of the bank crisis. The measures implemented in the first phase of the crisis were meant to counteract the breakdown of the financial market (nationalization or capitalization of banks, takeover of low quality assets, guaranties) and became one of the causes of the states’ deepening debt. In subsequent years, i.e. from 2010 onward the measures were increasingly focused on counteracting the possibility of yet another crisis and solutions were adopted at the EU level (the European Mechanism of Financial Stability, the European Stability Instrument, the European Financial Stability Facility, bank union) as well as at a global level (Basel III). The purpose of the adopted measures was to bring stability to the financial market and real economy whereas the constructed new infrastructure of the financial market is to make credit institutions more resistant to crises.
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Content available remote European Union's Policy towards Third Country Employees
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The paper presents the policy of European Union with regard to the workers being third country nationals. It presents the legal framework of their employment as well as the phases of building the migration policy scheme with regard to the third country nationals.
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Content available remote Refleksje nad litewska polityka zagraniczna
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EN
The article deals with the fundamentals of Lithuanian foreign policy. It is an attempt to evaluate its foundations, principles, advantages and shortcomings. Author’s point of departure is a non -official paper “Lithuania’s Foreign Policy Concept” prepared by the Lithuanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1994. Strategic goals of the Lithuanian foreign policy laid down in that document were the basis of the Lithuanian foreign policy making until the country joined the EU and NATO in 2004. Having supposedly attained those goals Lithuania adopted and proceeded to implement hastily the so -called “new Lithuanian foreign policy” conducted in 2004 -2009. Yet the author has serious doubts that the strategic goals of the Lithuanian foreign policy as defined in 1994 were fully achieved in 2004. The goals were three: (1) NATO, (2) EU, (3) good relations with neighbours. Yet Lithuania still is not a full -fledged member of either the EU or NATO. It is a mere newcomer. And its relations with Russia in 2004 -2009 got even worse than they were in the late nineties.
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Content available Enlargement and Legitimacy of the European Union
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This article is part of a larger project on contemporary sources of legitimacy of the European Union. My prior inquiry into this subject argued that the primary legitimacy problem within the EU is not the so-called 'democratic deficit' or the EU's failure to produce certain outputs, but is instead the EU's ability to enact laws against a national government's will and dissent through Qualified-Majority Voting ('QMV') in the Council of Ministers. Based on an analysis of the EU's internal transformation through four successive treaties, that article argued that the EU can be legitimated based on two primary sources, national democracy and European citizenship, such that QMV decision-making could be justified based on promotion or protection of European citizenship, even against a national democracy's will. From this internal transformation of the EU, this article turns to the EU's external transformation through enlargement across Central and Eastern Europe. By examining the process of enlargement, the article argues that this practice also reflects the hypothesized dual legitimacy structure based on European citizenship and national democracy. In particular, the EU's primary focus during the enlargement process on the Copenhagen political criteria (rather than the economic or acquis criteria) - and in particular, ensuring the candidate countries' commitment to EU fundamental rights - was justified in light of the concurrent shift in EU decision-making from de facto unanimity to QMV. Since an EU democracy could now be outvoted in the Council and an EU decision could be taken against a nation's democratic will, the old EU Member States wanted to ensure that the new Member States would share their core political values, such that all Member States would be expected to pursue the same basic shared interests and could thus credibly claim to act on behalf of European citizens. Even as a pre-condition of accession negotiations, the EU required candidate countries to meet stringent political criteria reflecting the EU's new orientation around fundamental rights and excluded those countries that failed to do so, particularly based on human rights grounds; in contrast, it extended membership to countries even if they did not fully meet the economic or acquis criteria. In conclusion, the article proposes to formalize this consensus through a 'Strasbourg Compromise,' mirroring the Luxembourg Compromise that underpinned the European Communities, but orienting it around European citizenship rather than the national veto.
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