Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

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Protesty przeciwko ACTA jako reakcja społeczeństw na niejawność dyplomacji

100%

Bielenia H.

Studia Podlaskie

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2013

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tom 21

279-299

EN

Secrecy is commonly assumed as an inherent feature of diplomacy and today it is a part of many processes of real or potential danger for democracy. Transferring the competences of authorities at transnational level lets the democratic governments force even controversial laws that would be difficult to enact in parliament. The ACTA agreement is an example of such law. Its negotiations were plagued by documents leaking and signing the agreement in January 2012 caused massive protests across Europe. Attacks on the Internet sites as pressure or propaganda were used in the documents. Opposition to the whole secretive negotiations procedure was commonly known. Although the protesters did not allow to ACTA ratification, the change in negotiations was not possible. However, certain instruments of monitoring and protesting have been formed.

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ŽENY A ŠTRUKTÚRA ČESKOSLOVENSKÉHO MINISTERSTVA ZAHRANIČIA

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Kičková A.

Studia Historica Nitriensia

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2014

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tom 18

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nr 1

15 – 22

EN

This article outlines the development of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ organizational structure since 1918. It is emphasing the participation of women in the Ministry.

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DIPLOMAT A STRATÉG MILAN RASTISLAV ŠTEFÁNIK

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Musil M.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

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2010

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tom 3

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nr 2

132 – 139

EN

The article is focused on the diplomatic activities of M. R. Štefánik in the period of the World War I.

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Dwadzieścia lat od wznowienia stosunków dyplomatycznych pomiędzy Litwa i Polska

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Meilunas E.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2011

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nr 2(16)

11-26

EN

September 5 - Twenty years after the resumption diplomatic relations between Lithuania and the Polish. It is a good opportunity not only for joint celebrations, but also to the summary of this period in recent history, both in the life of each country, as well as in bilateral relations. But I think that centuries-old history of the Lithuanian-Polish cooperation is so unique that to assess the current state of relations and forming a vision future should be at least a cursory glance over the pages of a more distant the past.

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Místo Maďarska v politických plánech velmocí na poválečné uspořádání střední a jihovýchodní Evropy, I.

100%

Imanova E.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2008

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tom 94

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nr 2

231-267

EN

In the course of World War II, the three great powers, i.e. the United States of America, Great Britain and the Soviet Union, had a clear picture about the new world arrangement in both general and particular terms. The American conception was based on three aspects: forming a vital alliance of this space based on federation or confederation principles, minimisation of nationalistic antagonism by means of synchronising language and political barriers, or replacing the population and substituting dictator and authoritative interwar regimes by democratic systems. The future of Transylvania was regarded the most complicated issue, exceeding the significance of the entire region. Unlike the American and British post-war Central and South-East European concepts, the Soviet standpoint posed expansive strategic plans of a power, which considered this space a subject of its immediate strategic and security interest. Concerning the Hungarian border, the Soviet leaders struggled to restore the Trianon border, which was justified by Hungary's participation in the war.

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The Eastern Question in the Opinion of Spanish Diplomats during the Reign of Ferdinand VII (1808-1833)

100%

Jakobczyk-Adamczyk P.

Kwartalnik Historyczny

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2008

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tom 115

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nr 1

35-53

EN

Upon the threshold of the nineteenth century Turkey did not play a prominent role in Spanish foreign policy. Nonetheless, Madrid closely observed all the symptoms of a crisis in the East. Already at the time of Charles III, the Ottoman Empire was perceived as an essential element of balance in Europe. Political rapprochement produced the treaty of 1782, but interest in the situation in that particular region was also dictated by economic reasons and a project intent on increasing activity in the Mediterranean and Black Sea basins. The assessment of national movements emerging in the European part of Turkey depended on the current political situation in Spain. In the early years, the liberation strivings of the Greeks were looked upon with sympathy. The same approach prevailed during the liberal years of 1820-1823. After the restoration of absolutism, however, Spain announced that the Greek uprising was contrary to the principle of legitimism, and a threat to European peace and order. Spanish politicians were interested also in the international implications of the crisis in the East, especially once the states of the Holy Alliance recognised the necessity of intervening in questions relating to the Iberian Peninsula. The striking feature of the correspondence conducted by Spanish diplomats in Istambul is their uncritical opinions about the Russian policy with simultaneous antipathy and prejudice towards the British. The superficiality of such an appraisal was the outcome of the geographical and mental distance between Russia and Spain, and the ideological proximity between absolutist states. Suspicions of London grew primarily in connection with traditional maritime and colonial rivalry. In contrast to Great Britain, the tsarist empire was not seen as menacing for the position held by Spain. Consequently, Ferdinand VII regarded closer ties with Russia as a chance for strengthening his own power, restoring Spain's former status, recovering the colonies, and guaranteeing unhampered navigation on the Black Sea. The alliance did not yield the anticipated profits, and only facilitated signing a trade agreement wuth Turkey (1827). Its realisation, however, called for peace in the region, and Spanish diplomats began to link the threats facing it with the expansive policy pursued by Russia.

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A ROLE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE NAVY FOR THE FOREIGN POLICY (Rola i znaczenie Marynarki Wojennej w polityce zagranicznej panstwa)

100%

Wyszynski L.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

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2010

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nr 2

259-276

EN

In the text, the author analyses role and significance of navy in the foreign policy. Taking into account the meaning of waters for the global economy and the specificity of the navy it is possible to define development and use of this kind of service as indispensable activity area of the state. The great value of the navy results from not only the meaning of water areas but also from the specificity of the navy. It evidences in large autonomy of vessels as well as in capability of acting in sea environment, land and air.

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„Očista“ na ministerstvu zahraničních věcí po roce 1945. K poválečnému vyšetřování událostí spojených s okupací Česko-Slovenska

100%

Nemecek J.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2008

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tom 106

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nr 2

327-348

EN

This study describes the activities of the Investigative Committee of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which after the liberation of Czechoslovakia in 1945 dealt with the issue of the conduct of Czechoslovak citizen-diplomats after the occupation of Bohemia and Moravia in March 1939, and the activities of Czechoslovak diplomats during the occupation. It had to assess the possibility of their return to an active Czechoslovak diplomatic service, or, in the cases of their wrong-doing, hand them over to the judicial system to face punishment.

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Otázka personálního obsazení československého vyslanectví ve Vídni v letech 1932–1938

88%

Šepták M.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2012

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tom 20

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nr 1

203-219

EN

Czechoslovak top foreign policy makers assigned great importance to the staffing of the country’s representation in Vienna. This, however, was not an easy task as there was a lack of suitable candidates. Initially, Tomáš G. Masaryk and Edvard Beneš selected for diplomatic positions in Czechoslovakia’s southern neighboring country prospective diplomats with a promising career in the future. In the 1930, contrary to that, Czechoslovakia was supposed to be represented in its southern neighboring country by experienced diplomats able to stay in their position for a couple of years and thus facilitate the continuity of staffing. These efforts, however, ultimately failed due to a number of unfavorable circumstances. In 1932, Zdeněk Fierlinger was appointed Czechoslovak Envoy to Vienna. However, due to his leftist orientation and extensive contacts with the Austrian Social Democrats, and later also due to his support of the leftist opponents of the conservative-authoritarian regime it was impossible to improve the mutual relations. After the Civil War in Austria the Ballhausplatz Office insisted on ending Fierlinger’s mission in Vienna, but Beneš resisted the pressure. Austria’s Foreign Office showed more or less interest in the major staff changes taking place in the Czechoslovak Legation in Austria. Owing to their well-informed Envoy Ferdinand Mark they were receiving many original reports, of which some were just based on unverified lobby talks. To summarize it can be said that except for Fierlinger, the Czechoslovak diplomats in the Austrian metropolis, owing to their professional qualities, could at least help create good neighborliness with Austria. Naturally, it was impossible for them to prevent the transfer of the Alpine country into the German sphere of influence during the period of strong activity of the “dynamic” authoritarian and totalitarian regimes.

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OBSAZOVÁNÍ BISKUPSKÝCH STOLCŮ V HABSBURSKÉ MONARCHII NA PŘELOMU 19. A 20. STOL. NA PŘÍKLADU OLOMOUCKÉHO ARCIBISKUPSTVÍ PO REZIGNACI ARCIBISKUPA KOHNA

88%

Jonová J.

Studia theologica

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2012

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tom 14

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nr 1

40–64

EN

Representatives of secular power were always interested in retaining control over the occupation of the Episcopal See. This was also true in the Habsburg monarchy, where the bishops were appointed by the Emperor and the Pope had to either confirm or not confirm the candidate proposed by the Emperor. The Archdiocese of Olomouc was a special case. The chapter of Olomouc had the privilege of free election of the Archbishops, who were either elected from the canons of the chapter or the canons postulated another candidate. During the last truly free election, Archbishop Theodor Kohn was elected. His episcopate was not particularly successful and he had to resign (1904). During the negotiations concerning his resignation, The Holy See and government in Vienna began to look for a suitable candidate for the vacant see. Both sides agreed on Bishop Bauer, who was consequently appointed archbishop of Olomouc. After the death of Archbishop Bauer (died 1915), the Archbishop of Prague Skrbenský was postulated to the post of Archbishop of Olomouc.

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POLAND - GERMANY: SOFT POWER TOOLS IN FOREIGN POLICY (Polska - Niemcy: narzedzia miekkiej sily w polityce zagranicznej)

75%

Ociepka B.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2011

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nr 2(339)

47-63

EN

The article presents Polish-German relations following the treaty on good neighbors and friendly cooperation from the perspective of a growing importance of soft power tools used by both countries in their mutual relations. In the last twenty years, due to changes in the international milieu, Germany and Poland developed the traditional tools of cultural diplomacy and introduced new concepts of public diplomacy. The new tools employed by Germany involve foreign image policy which is a manifestation of the economization of this country's foreign policy. The significance of Poland as the target country of German cultural diplomacy is currently smaller than at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. In Poland, promotional activities connected with economic transformation have led to the formulation of the conception of public diplomacy, with Germany as one of the target countries. The article refers to the notion of soft power in the interpretation proposed by J. Nye.

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DIPLOMAT IN THE SERVICE OF HUNGARIAN KINGS. ACTIVITY OF THE BISHOP OF NITRA ANTONIUS DE SANKFALWA AT THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES

75%

Hlaváčková M.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

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2011

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tom 59

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nr suppl. issue

3 – 24

EN

The ecclesiastical dignitary Antonius de Sankfalwa (from Sankovce) started his diplomatic career as a canon in Oradea (Magnovaradinum, Nagyvarad, Veľký Varadín, Gross-Wardein). The king entrusted him with ever more demanding diplomatic tasks. Together with the Archbishop of Esztergom Vitez, he secured the return of the Crown of St. Stephen to Hungary in 1463. He was sent also to the courts of Italian rulers and to France, Poland and Germany. In 1486, King Matthias Corvinus appointed him as a Provost of Bratislava, and in 1490 Vladislas II made him Bishop of Nitra. Antonius de Sankfalwa fully applied his education in canon law, gained at the University of Padua, in the field of marriage law. In Rome, he had to prove the invalidity of Vladislav’s marriage, not only with Beatrix of Aragon, but also with Barbara of Brandenburg. Evidence of Antonius’ activities survives from the period of his work in Bratislava and Nitra. He was involved in canon law, organizational and pastoral activities. He held a diocesan synod at Nitra in 1494. Its conclusions provide information about the problems of the Catholic Church at the end of the 15th century. He founded an altar of St. Antony in Nitra Cathedral and gave his house in Buda and vineyard on Zobor to support it. Bishop Antonius made his last diplomatic journey in 1499 to the Imperial Diet at Worms.

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K OTÁZKE UZNANIA SLOVENSKÉHO ŠTÁTU (SLOVENSKEJ REPUBLIKY) NÓRSKYM KRÁĽOVSTVOM, 1939 –1940

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Jakubec P.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

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2013

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tom 61

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nr 1

121 – 141

EN

A recognition is one of the legal acts which permit a new state to enter the international community as a full partner. It establishes normal relations between two states as a precondition of their mutual communication in politics, as well as in economics and other fields. Thus, swift recognition by as many states as possible is the first task of every newly established foreign ministry. As early as 15 March 1939, the Slovak foreign ministry notified its prospective counterparts about the birth of the Slovak State. The Norwegian foreign ministry was to make a stand on recognition. Due to the tense international situation on the eve of WWII, this turned into a lengthy process of consideration, complicated even more by the outbreak of the war in September 1939. Early in April 1940, Norway was about to give a de facto recognition. However, the Nazi invasion in the same month stopped the action, which, nonetheless, somewhat disturbed the initial contacts between Norwegian and Czechoslovak exile representations.

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VZŤAHY UHORSKÉHO A ČESKÉHO KRÁĽOVSTVA V DRUHEJ POLOVICI 60. ROKOV 15. STOROČIA

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Homoľa T.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

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2016

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tom 64

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nr 1

3 – 20

EN

The relations with the King of Bohemia George of Poděbrady were a key factor in the foreign policy of Mathias Corvinus from the beginning of his reign. Initially correct and close relations between Mathias and George became later more changeable as a result of the momentary interests of the monarchs. Their relations gradually became more complicated and cooler, finally leading to open conflict in 1468. The diplomatic ties between the kingdoms of Hungary and Bohemia in the period 1465 – 1469 are the subject of the present study. At this time the territory of the Kingdom of Bohemia was at the intersection of the interests of various European powers. Apart from Mathias Corvinus, the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick III, King Kazimír IV of Poland from the Jagiello dynasty, the Pope and various German dukes from the Wittelsbach and Hohenzollern dynasties were involved in Czech affairs. Apart from describing the relations between the Hungarian and Czech monarchs, the paper aims to put their steps into the context of international affairs in this period.