Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

KIERKEGAARD’S RELATION TO HEGEL AND QUELLENFORSCHUNG: SOME METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS

100%

Stewart J.

Filozofia (Philosophy)

|

2013

|

tom 68

|

nr 1

17 – 26

EN

This article attempts to demonstrate the advantages of using the methodology of Quellenforschung or source work research when approaching the corpus of Søren Kierkegaard. The field of Kierkegaard studies has been long dominated by a number of misconceptions concerning the Danish thinker’s relation to Hegel, which has almost invariably been portrayed as singularly negative and critical. This article applies source work research to three different passages from Kierkegaard’s primary texts, where his alleged polemic with Hegel is thought to be in evidence. However, when the actual sources of his criticisms are determined, an entirely different picture emerges and the role of Hegel fades into the background.

2

The Danish model of 'flexicurity': An example to be followed?

100%

Lang D.

Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje

|

2005

|

tom 8

47-58

EN

During the last years, there has been a growing interest all over Europe for the Danish 'model' of flexicurity. The Danish combination of flexibility for the employers and security for the employees and the populations would be an example to follow, mainly because of the successes met in the fight against unemployment during the 1990's. This paper takes a close look at the core elements of the Danish case to determine whether these views are relevant. The three elements of the Danish 'golden triangle' are flexible labour market, a generous welfare system, and an active labour marker policy. These elements are analysed, as well as the 1993 labour market reform, which is supposed to have triggered the remarkable decrease of unemployment that took place in Denmark since 1997. The core features of the Danish case are examined to determine whether the Danish model could be exported, in particular in Poland, where mass unemployment is an issue.

3

Images of Refugees as Constructed by Social Workers in Poland and the Netherlands

100%

Banczyk A.

Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje

|

2004

|

nr 7

117-130

EN

The communication presents the theoretical framework and empirical findings of an international research comparing Dutch and Polish social workers' discourses concerning refugees. The underlying assumption of the research project was that the relations between social workers and refugees might be considered as relations of the power: the former posses the institutional, professional and cultural power over the latter. Those relations of power might then be either preserved or contested through social workers' discourses and therefore the analysis of the language-in-use seems to create a useful perspective to inspect them. The analysis of interviews with social workers from two Polish and two Dutch institutions providing assistance for refugees shows that the images of refugees constructed by the Poles and the Dutch differ significantly. The Dutch present a uniformly positive image of their clients. They consider refugees as victims of past miseries and present injustices, and they also acknowledge refugees' potential and willingness to cope with the difficult situation. Responsibility for the difficulties, however, is located mainly in the state policies and the Dutch society. The Polish picture is much more ambiguous. There is also the element of presenting refugees as innocent victims, but descriptions of refugees' present behaviours in the host country convey an image of untrustworthiness, idleness, and demands. Difficult situation of refugees is blamed on the overall crisis in Poland, but to a large extent they are refugees themselves who are found responsible for their problems. Differences in the Polish and Dutch social workers' images of refugees are explained by the national contexts of the refugee assistance. The less favourable opinions of the Polish social workers are to some extent understandable if one takes into consideration such factors as Poland's worse socio-economic situation, less hostile public attitudes towards immigrants, different history of integration policies, and different system of social workers' education. It is argued, however, that a change in the Polish workers' discourses could be advantageous as it could empower the refugees in Poland and help them achieve more self-dependence.

4

THE DANISH EU PRESIDENCY OF 2012: A GOOD MODEL FOR A PRESIDENCY IN TIME OF CRISIS?

100%

Skrzydło A.

Yearbook of Polish European Studies

|

2012

|

tom 15

177-194

EN

Generally, it is widely recognised that the Danish EU Presidency was pro-fessional and executed in the spirit of an honest broker.1 At the level of the officials involved, the Danish Presidency was viewed as well-organised and result-oriented. At the same time, the Danish Presidency in 2012 was in a way disadvantaged by the fact that there was not any single big issue to be solved, as was the case in its previous Presidency in 2002, when the forthcoming enlargement was the biggest issue. This situation was taken into account in the process of formatting the Presidency in a such way that it was defined as a low-ambition leadership insofar as Denmark’s own pri¬orities and the far-reaching goals of the Presidency were concerned. Some argue that nothing more was to be expected from a historically EU-sceptic small country. Instead of an ambitious agenda, a number of issues were brought forward to the EU decision-making process which were a logical follow-up of the EU agenda. At the same time the Presidency was visibly silent on EU external policies and was discernibly dis¬turbed at least twice: on the low carbon road map (unexpectedly vetoed by Poland) and on the Schengen Evaluation Mechanism, which led the Presidency into an unfore¬seen heated dispute with the European Parliament at the end of its term in office. Overall however, it is fair to say that the Danish Presidency eventually managed to fit the brand of an ‘honest broker’ or ‘bridge over troubled waters’ Presidency, with a touch of sustainability and green colour as its ‘brand’.

5

PRÍBEHY VŠEDNÉHO ŽIVOTA THOMASINY GYLLEMBOURGOVEJ A JEJ ROMÁN DVE DOBY: KIERKEGAARDOVO HODNOTENIE

88%

Nun Stewart K.

Filozofia (Philosophy)

|

2016

|

tom 71

|

nr 4

328 – 337

EN

In the history of Kierkegaard studies, A Literary Review has often been hailed as the Danish philosopher’s main contribution to the field of social-political philosophy. Although this aspect of the work has been explored in some detail, only few commentators have taken the time to study the background of it, i.e., the book which Kierkegaard purports to analyse in the review, namely Two Ages by Thomasine Gyllembourg. The present article explores the relation between Gyllembourg’s novel and A Literary Review with an eye to determining what influence Gyllembourg’s work might have had on Kierkegaard. It is argued that Gyllembourg’s novel served primarily as an occasion for Kierkegaard to further develop ideas that he was already concerned with previously in connection with his authorship.

6

EFFECTIVENESS OF THE TRIO PRESIDENCIES – NEGOTIATIONS OF THE LEGISLATIVE PACKAGE FOR THE COHESION POLICY 2014-2020

88%

Romańska U.

Yearbook of Polish European Studies

|

2012

|

tom 15

195-224

EN

In this article the formal negotiations of a legislative package for the cohe¬sion policy 2014-2020, which were launched and advanced during the Polish-Dan¬ish-Cypriot Trio Presidencies, serve as an example of the Trio cooperation. The arti¬cle’s aim is to give a behind-the-scenes look at the European negotiations from the participants’ point of view as regards the joint Trio work, both before and during the negotiations. This analysis leads up to some general reflections on the Trio for¬mula and its effectiveness.

7

THE DANISH EU PRESIDENCY: CAN A SMALL NON-EURO MEMBER STATE BE EFFECTIVE IN TIMES OF ECONOMIC CRISIS?

88%

Buskjær Christensen M. , Nielsen Hassing J.

Yearbook of Polish European Studies

|

2012

|

tom 15

83-106

EN

The seventh Danish EU Presidency of 2012 was inevitably oriented towards the imminent economic challenges faced by the EU. Although the Eurozone crisis remained the most urgent issue facing the EU, the Danish Presidency, maintained its focus on other important policy areas as well. The four key words of the Danish EU presidency, reflecting its priorities, were to make the EU more (1) Responsible (2) Dynamic (3) Green and (4) Safe. In this article we discuss to what extent and in what ways the Danish Presidency fulfilled its ambitions concerning these four focal points. In order to evaluate and understand the performance of the Presidency, we discuss the new role of the Council Presidency introduced by the Lisbon Treaty (2009), the implications of the specific domestic context of Danish politics, and the sta¬tus of Denmark as a ’small and reluctant Member State’. We postulate that the Danish Presidency of 2012 was particularly successful in performing the role as mediator in important inter-institutional negotiations. Yet in terms of shaping the EU political agenda, the achievements were less significant.

8

NOVÉ CIRKVI A NÁBOŽENSKÉ SPOLOČNOSTI VO VZŤAHU SO ŠTÁTOM

75%

Potomová K.

Právny obzor. Teoretický časopis pre otázky štátu a práva (Juridical Review. Theoretical journal for the questions of state and law)

|

2014

|

tom 97

|

nr 6

603 – 620

EN

The article deals with cults and new religious movements in relation to the state in a religiously neutral state and a state with an official religion. The article presents the position of religiosity in Austria, the legal frame for the registration of new religious movements as well as the specifics of the position of new religious movements as the example of the situation in a religiously neutral state. The next part analyses the situation in relation to the religious movements in Denmark, which is a state with an official religion and describes the position of the state church, the formation and dissolution of religious movements and legislative changes in the past decades in Denmark. The article explores the phenonemons in the relation of the state and religious movements according to the scope of secularisation in the state via comparative method. The contribution of the article is in the enrichment of the problematics of the position of new religious movements from the dual secular state – religious state point of view in the context of the religious freedom and the dynamic relations concerned.