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The paper deals with the „second life“ of the Czech State-Saw Progress party that existed formally between 1908 and 1918, but the members of which continued to form a strong party platform within the Czech National Democracy even after the First World War. Despite having any institutional basis within the Czech National Democracy the former progressivists forged their shared political identity through various commemorative actions, publishing activities or through forming of several clubs and associations. The former „progressivists“ thus formed a distinct stream of political thought within the biggest stronghold of Czech rightwing nationalism that strived to build the interwar Czechoslovakia as a nation state of the alleged Czechoslovak nation. The paper pays special attention to the person of Viktor Dyk who most visibly embodied the tradition of the progressivist ideology from the period prior to 1914. Viktor Dyk engaged already in the 1920s in polemics with the president Tomas G. Masaryk where he stood for the Czech rightwing nationalism, echoing vigorous debates that unfolded within the Czech right already after 1900. The paper also focuses on the anti-Nazi resistance of the former progresivists during the Second World War as well as the place which some of the main persons took in the Czech national memory.
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Content available remote Tělo, židovství, bolševismus a česky nacionalismus (1918–1920)
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The study focuses on the Czech nationalism in the first years of interwar Czechoslovakia and explores in detail the particular figure of Judeo-Bolshevism, as it was used in the Czech national discourse. Use of the term of the Jewish “race”, which was supposed to strive for power, was to help in uniting the national society and discard everything, which did not fi t within the framework of uniformly represented “national interest”. Stigmatizing bolshevism (communism) by its presumed “Jewishness” was used as an intelligible component of the identity language and helped to preserve the Czech „national unity“ as a main pillar of the newly founded state. The revolutionary project of the radical left therefore could have been positioned outside of this framework and thereby displaced out of the unified national collective.
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