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EN
Pope John Paul II in his teaching code of politics guided by conscience. It is based on four pillars are: peace, justice, solidarity and freedom. According to the Pope, they indicate the priorities of political activity, such as the prevention of unemployment and social exclusion, care for families and people with disabilities, economic development. The key to the whole social question is job. The key to peace is dialogue, education and equitable distribution of wealth. Everything can be achieved if the appropriate law is established. That is the reason why World needs MPs who are people of conscience. To be impartial, competent and acting in a spirit of service should be the priority for them. Follow that way they give witness to their faith and impeccable ethical attitude.
EN
The study illustrates the relationship between the two disciplines: political science and Catholic social principles. The common point is the need to address a 'social issue' that requires 'practical sense' of political science and defined axiology of Christian social principles. In particular, the ideas of solidarity, subsidiarity and the common good have been analysed.
EN
Exercising the economic function of the family manifests itself in making use of material goods in such a way that they serve the best possible way the permanent effort of an individual to self-improve. Hence, the material goods are by nature subjugated to the good of a person. Any distortion of this relationship (or hierarchy) results from the domination of subjectivism and the consumerist tendencies. Then, one can observe the development of ego societies or communities based exclusively on the material aspect. The personalist concept of the common good in relation to the family and the society allows to create the proper hierarchy of values which is put into practice when making use of the material goods for the benefit of a human being. Subsequently, the property of family enables the development of its members in the direction of the fuller humanity. The contemporary social systems demand the introduction of, so-called, family pay which determines the minimum to achieve an acceptable standard of life. Other similar initiatives are the common use of spiritual goods within a society or creating the favourable conditions for the responsible parenthood. The fulfilment of these postulates depends on the access of a family to an appropriate set of material goods.
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Content available remote Navzdory své rétorice liberál? K MacIntyrově politice společného dobra
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EN
The aim of the article is to present and criticise the political thought of Alasdair MacIntyre, one of the most renowned contemporary moral philosophers. This eminent representative of the Aristotelian‑Thomistic tradition is a strong opponent of the modern state, which he does not consider to be an appropriate place for his favoured politics of the common good. He proposes the politics of local communities as his alternative. The article criticises his alternative by focusing on the premises of his understanding of the concept of the common good. In several steps, there is an attempt to deminstrate how his conceptualisation is not completely faithful to his own Aristotelian‑Thomistic tradition. Moreover, his politics of local communities remains deeply vulnerable to the liberal politics of the modern state. As a matter of fact, despite his scorching criticism of liberalism, MacIntyrean politics is in its consequences paradoxically liberal.
5
Content available remote Krize liberální demokracie a pojem společného dobra
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EN
According to Pierre Manent, an eminent French Catholic political philosopher and a disciple of Leo Strauss, the concept of the common good has lost all its intelligibility in contemporary French society. It has been replaced by an emphasis on the concept of human rights. Human rights as such are not able, however, to serve as a viable basis for a political society. A similar analysis can be found in other Christian authors: for instance, vis-à-vis the crisis of contemporary liberal democracies, the main representatives of the so-called Radical Orthodoxy movement, John Milbank and Adrian Pabst, plead for the return of the politics of the common good. What is missing, however, in the works of these contemporary scholars is a systematic analysis of the concept of the common good as such. Up until now, the most elaborate analysis of this concept was developed by the Catholic scholars, Charles De Koninck and Yves R. Simon, during the 1940s and 1950s. Following their example, the article attempts to elucidate this key concept of political philosophy and Catholic social doctrine. In its first part, after an overview of the two basic meanings of the concept of the common good in Catholic social doctrine, the article analyzes the different facets of De Koninck´s magisterial treatise on the common good. Due to the many more metaphysical interests of De Koninck, the article argues that his concept of the common good must be supplemented by the much more politically focused analysis of Yves R. Simon. This eminent Thomist emphasized the connection between the concept of the (political) common good with the possibility of common action. The article finally offers a thorough reconstruction of the foundations of this neglected tradition of political thought which paradoxically could be seen as an (at least partial) possible cure for the current crises of liberal democratic political regimes.
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Content available remote Společné dobro: minimalistické, instrumentální, či robustní?
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EN
The aim of this article is to present and contrast various competing concepts of the common good. In the first part of the article, I critically discuss the minimalistic concept, which can be found in the celebrated book A Theory of Justice written by the American philosopher John Rawls. I subsequently deal with the instrumentalist concept, which brought fame to John Finnis, the most prominent representative of the so-called new natural law theory. According to Finnis, the common good serves as an instrument regarding the basic human goods of marriage and family life. In the third part, the instrumentalist concept is the target of my criticism, which leads me to a defense of a more robust concept of the common good. In three steps, I demonstrate that Finnis misunderstands the order of goods, elevates the common good of family and other private associations without appropriate reasons, and diminishes the common good of the political community. Because of this, the common good is not able to offer appropriate normative reasons for the exercise of such risky professions as soldiers and police officers. In contrast, the robust concept of the common good, as recently advocated most prominently by the Australian philosopher George Duke, enables one to solve these problems. It also provides a better solution to the delicate question of obedience to political authority.
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