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EN
The authors analyzed the presence and content of Ukrainian theme in the documents of Czech civic initiatives during the second half of the 1980s. The development of citizens initiatives has become a catalyst of socio-political life in Czechoslovakia. The number of participants in civic initiatives increased, and their programs were politicized. In program statements the principle of the so-called leading role of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia was rejected as inconsistent with the principle of equality of citizens and the code of civil and political rights. The source base of this research comprised documents and materials of human rights activists, first presented in the self-published (samizdat) bulletins of independent Czech civic initiatives: “Information on Charter 77” (“Informace o Chartĕ 77”), “The Case of the East European News Agency” (“Zprava vychodoevropske informačni agentury”) and “Bulletin of Independent Peace Commonwealth – Initiative for demilitarization of society” (“Bulletin nezavisleho miroveho sdruženi – Iniciativy za demilitarizaci společnosti”). It has been shown that the Ukrainian theme is presented in two documents of the human rights association of Charter 77: the document “Before the Chernobyl Accident” (May 6, 1986) and the telegram of Czechoslovak human rights activists to Lviv, addressed to the group “Dovira” (“Trust”) (April 22, 1989). Czech “Independent Peace Commonwealth – Initiative for demilitarization of society” and Ukrainian, Lviv, “Dovira” Group, exchanged a letter and a telegram of solidarity. The informational reasons for creating the documents were the Chernobyl disaster – man-made accident on a global scale and the brutal dispersal of a peaceful demonstration in Lviv. Documents of Czech human rights activists and pacifist activists focus public attention on late Soviet realities: concealment of information from society about radioactive contamination and another human rights violation in Soviet Ukraine
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EN
The paper deals with the situation of Hungarian minority in Slovakia in the period of the regime of so called “Normalization” after the suppression of “Prague Spring” in 1970s and 1980s. The issue of minority policy of Czechoslovak / Slovak government is discussed as a specific aspect of the nationalizing policy. The paper is based on the archival research of the documents provided by Charter 77 and the Committee for Protection of the Hungarian minority rights in Czechoslovakia. The research question is, whether the Slovak Socialist Republic, established after the federalization of Czechoslovakia in 1968, was still a nationalizing state. Paper brings an analysis of the oscillation of the political initiatives within the Hungarian minority environment in Slovakia and the Slovak-Hungarian debate between the national and civic-democratic agenda. According to the conclusions, the Slovak Socialist Republic applied some nationalizing practices and policies, however due to the deformations of the Czechoslovak federation after 1969 it couldn’t become a uniquely nationalizing state. The debate on the minority rights and on the Slovak-Hungarian relations in the dissident environment and later, since 1988-1989 in the wider public space has a significant impact on the shaping of the political cleavages in Slovakia after the political changes in November 1989.
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Content available Czech Refugees in Austria 1968–1985
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EN
After the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, which ended up Prague spring in August 1968, thousands of Czech (and Slovak) citizens went into exile. Out of estimated 162,000 people, who came to Austria within the next few weeks, some 12,000 refugees decided to stay there. The majority of them chose Vienna to be their new home. My paper deals with this group of Czech refugees and analyses a process of their integration into Austrian majority and how the process, which they had to undergo, changed their national identity. In the paper, which is based on various archive materials and my two field researches among Czechs in Vienna, I also deal with different concepts of national identity and integration. I applied Cooper and Brubaker’s concepts of ‘identification’ and self-understanding’ to analyse deeper the various contexts of Czech refugees’ behaviour and to answer a research question, why it was more difficult for Czech refugees to integrate into existing Czech minority associations in Austria than into Austrian majority itself.
EN
The article focuses on Czechoslovak dissent in the context of the activities of 25 psychologists who signed Charter 77 until 1989. The purpose of this text is to summarize basic information about these individuals, their life, work and attitudes. The authors draw on archival materials and personal testimonies. The pressure to adapt to the demands of state power and the efforts to expel inconvenient signatories from the country are described. The contribution focuses on the activities of psychologists-signatories during the normalization in the 1970s and 1980s and after 1989. The signatories are interpreted as active, civically engaged, resilient and humanistically oriented.
CS
Článek se zaměřuje se na československý disent v souvislosti s aktivitami 25 psychologů, kteří podepsali Chartu 77 do roku 1989. Smyslem tohoto textu je shrnout základní informace o těchto jedincích, o jejich životě, díle a postojích. Text vychází z archivních materiálů a osobních svědectví. Popsán je tlak na adaptaci podle požadavků státní moci i snaha o vypuzení nepohodlných signatářů ze země. Stať se zaměřuje na aktivity psychologů-signatářů během normalizace v 70. a 80. letech 20. století i po roce 1989. Signatáři jsou interpretováni jako aktivní, občansky angažovaní, nezdolní a humanisticky orientovaní.
5
Content available remote "Dílna" Charty 77
58%
EN
The subject of the article is the hitherto unexplored process of the creation and publication of the Charter 77 documents - documents that fundamentally presented the opinions and analyses of this most important dissident initiative in Czechoslovakia between 1977 and 1989. They covered the state of human and civil rights in the country, various other social and political issues, and the situation of dissent itself. The author refers to this process as a "workshop", which he understands figuratively as a thinking and creative environment in which ideas, proposals and suggestions are born and implemented. In order to analyse the functioning of the Chartist "workshop", he chooses six documents with different content, for the creation of which we have diverse historical sources. Using the examples of the basic document "Declaration of Charter 77" of 1 January 1977, the "Communication of Charter 77" (on the conclusions of the internal discussion on the further work of the Charter from September of the same year), and the position of the spokespersons of Charter 77 (on the discussions on the mission and activities of the Charter from October 1978), the author shows how appropriate ways of further activity were sought within this community and how the written "workshop" rules were enforced. Using a document on the situation of the Roma in Czechoslovakia from December 1978, a so-called "economic" document from May 1979 (known as "Theses on Consumption"), and an analysis of the state of Czechoslovak official historiograpghy from May 1984 (known as "The Right to History"), the author illustrates the Chartists' problems in adhering to the agreed "workshop" rules, their ability to overcome these problems, and the fact that they "produced" Charter documents in two ways. In the first case, the interested parties created an informal group to work on a topic, then incorporated - selectively - the received comments, and then submitted the text (by themselves or through intermediaries) to the speakers for their signature on behalf of the entire Chartist community. In the second case, the Charter spokespersons "produced" the document by signing their own text or a text they had received without consulting anyone. This was precisely the case with the document "The Right to History" (Právo na dějiny), which provoked widespread controversy among Czechoslovak dissenters.
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EN
a2_An exception was represented by the dissident and later Minister of Environment Ivan Dejmal (1946–2008), who attempted to combine "small ecology" with the Charter 77 critique of modern rationality and to formulate a positionm of philosophically grounded political ecology within Czechoslovak dissident movement.
EN
The study traces how the American press covered Charter 77's appearances in the first year of its existence, a subject hitherto unstudied. Czechoslovak dissent attracted international attention after major Western newspapers published the constitutive "Charter 77 Declaration" of January 1, 1977. The subsequent prosecution of the Charter's spokespersons and other signatories sparked a wave of protest and support in the West. The interest of the Western media was crucial for the dissidents, as it was the main way to inform the international public about their activities, and often the only way to get some protection against domestic repression. The situation in Czechoslovakia in the early months of 1977 was also monitored by the media and government authorities in the United States. The author finds, however, that of the major American newspapers, only The Christian Science Monitor, The New York Times, and, to a lesser extent, The Washington Post reported on the Charter on a regular basis. She introduces five journalists who reported on the subject more consistently on these platforms (and in some magazines, too). These were Eric Bourne (1909-1999), Malcolm W. Browne (1931-2012), Michael Getler (1935-2018), Paul Hofmann (1912-2008), and Charles W. Sawyer (born 1941). She examines their professional careers and their engagement in Czechoslovak affairs, introduces their reflections on dissent and the conditions in the Eastern Bloc countries, and characterizes their typical approach and point of view in the context of the American journalism of their time. She chronicles their trips to Czechoslovakia and meetings with dissidents in the first months of 1977, which usually ended with their expulsion from the country, and juxtaposes their journalism and memoirs with State Security documents. In doing so, she shows the problematic contexts in which they reported on Czechoslovakia and Central Europe, and suggests certain shifts and distortions to which the ideas and activities of Czechoslovak dissent were subjected in their mediation and "translation" for the American press. It was this "translation", complicated by the limited contacts American journalists had with dissidents, that mattered more to the media image of the Charter trought the United States of 1977 than the original ideas of Jan Patočka or Václav Havel. It can be concluded that American journalists represented the dissident movement in the long run as a continuation of the Second World War conflict, which the dissidents had shifted to a field of competing political, economic, ethical, and philosophical ideas and visions.
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