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2
Content available remote Central African Republic: portrait of a collapsed state after the last rebellion
100%
EN
Central African Republic (CAR) is one of the poorest and most unstable countries in the world and has occupied the top place in all possible rankings of failed states, instability, poverty, corruption etc. for many years. However, although the CAR has experienced almost constant instability for the last few decades it was only in recent years that it has received the media attention which was unseen before. Such an unusual interest has resulted from two successive internal conflicts: first, in 2012 the anti‑ government rebellion drawing together the alliance of rebel militia factions, the Séléka, and a year later the insurrection of the opposing Anti‑Balaka forces. The article is an attempt to analyse the causes of the instability of the CAR and the current political and security situation in the country, taking into account, among other things, the results of the fieldwork conducted by the author in the Central African Republic, as well as his long‑time research on the phenomenon of dysfunctional states.
EN
The objective of the study is to carry out a meaningful comparison that demonstrates the similarities and differences of various conflict theatres where proxy forces were employed. The analyses of the discussed cases focused on different aspects of the conflict and nature of the proxy use. The analyses presented on the following pages were conducted on the basis of the literature on the subject, governmental research and reports, and supporting sources reporting recent developments that complemented academic sources. Various non-state actors such as ethnic militias, paramilitary units, and private military companies have become more and more visible on contemporary battlegrounds. Modern states employ those actors to further their objectives, as this limits their own political and financial costs. This increasingly visible phenomenon points to an emerging new model of warfare where state actors are relying ever more on proxies of various character and nature. It is highly likely that any future conflict will be characterised by a proxy-based model of warfare, which will consist of a limited footprint made by regular forces (or none at all) and, consequently, the extended use of proxies supported by special forces. Because such an approach is less costly, proxies will be more often employed by low-budget states, previously reluctant to carry out such costly military endeavours. Denying the actions and affiliations of these proxies will inevitably follow and, in turn, a lack of political accountability and responsibility for the conflict’s outcome.
EN
The objective of the study is to carry out a meaningful comparison that demonstrates the similarities and differences of various conflict theatres where proxy forces were employed. The analyses of the discussed cases focused on different aspects of the conflict and nature of the proxy use. The analyses presented on the following pages were conducted on the basis of the literature on the subject, governmental research and reports, and supporting sources reporting recent developments that complemented academic sources. Various non-state actors such as ethnic militias, paramilitary units, and private military companies have become more and more visible on contemporary battlegrounds. Modern states employ those actors to further their objectives, as this limits their own political and financial costs. This increasingly visible phenomenon points to an emerging new model of warfare where state actors are relying ever more on proxies of various character and nature. It is highly likely that any future conflict will be characterised by a proxy-based model of warfare, which will consist of a limited footprint made by regular forces (or none at all) and, consequently, the extended use of proxies supported by special forces. Because such an approach is less costly, proxies will be more often employed by low-budget states, previously reluctant to carry out such costly military endeavours. Denying the actions and affiliations of these proxies will inevitably follow and, in turn, a lack of political accountability and responsibility for the conflict’s outcome.
EN
In January 2008 the European Union launched a peace operation - EUFOR Tchad/RCA in the Republic of Chad and Central African Republic. Acting in accordance with the mandate set out in United Nations Security Council and the EU Council’s decision, the European Forces started their one-year long mission. The EUFOR was tasked to protect and assist all aspects of presence of the African Union’s and nited Nations’ forces which provide humanitarian assistance to thousands of Sudanese refugees from neigh bouring Darfur. The article as the result of operational capabilities research of conducting independent military and policing operations within the European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) is an analysis of EU actions in the Republic of Chad and Central African Republic. The aim of the article is to present legal basis to deploy the armed forces of EU countries in the Republic of Chad and Central African Republic, the Polish Armed Forces including, to analyse tasks imposed on the European military contingent, to present a current political situation in Chad which implies the EUFOR Tchad/RCA mission, to sum up the present state of the mission engagement in the theatre of operations. The author also wanted to draw conclusions from the first months of the mission in the context of challenges that the EU forces have to face on location (instable internal situation of the countries, lack of local administration infrastructure, transport and logistic challenges, specific climate conditions, lack of electricity or running water). The most important conclusions refer to defining the effectiveness sources and the effectiveness of the EU operations of this type in the future (capability of long distance airlift of forces, effective system of mission support, coalition forces’ interoperability, fast decision making process and information advantage).
6
Content available remote Wojna domowa w Czadzie : aspekty wewnętrzne i międzynarodowe
72%
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nr 1
41-57
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie o rolę organizacji motywowanych religijnie (FBOs), ich sposób działania i realizowane zadania we współczesnych konfliktach zbrojnych. Problem badawczy zostanie przeanalizowany na podstawie metody studium przypadku (case study) interwencji Wspólnoty Sant’Egidio (WSE) w konflikcie w R epublice Środkowoafrykańskiej w latach 2013–2019. Badanie zostanie przeprowadzone w ujęciu komparatystyki jakościowej w odniesieniu do głównego nurtu procesu pokojowego, a ramą dla rozważań będzie koncept torów dyplomacji. Struktura artykułu obejmie wstęp, krótką charakterystykę WSE jako FBO, kontekst sytuacyjny konfliktu w R ŚA, analizę interwencji WSE w RŚA oraz zakończenie. Konkluzje z badań stanowią o tym, że zachodzą wieloaspektowe i skuteczne działania FBOs w konfliktach zbrojnych. Stanowią one punkt wyjściowy do pogłębionych badań nad statusem FBOs w relacjach z innymi aktorami procesów pokojowych.
EN
The paper attempts to answer a question about the role, actions and tasks of faith-based organizations (FBO) in modern armed conflicts. To understand the main research problem, a case study of the Community of Sant’Egidio’s (CSE) intervention in the Central African Republic (CAR ) conflict of 2013–2019 will be analysed. Its actions are going to be confronted with a mainstream peace process and the concept of tracks of diplomacy will be used as a framework of analysis. The structure of the article will include the introduction, a brief description of CSE as an FBO, the situational context of the conflict in the CAR , the analysis of the intervention of CSE in the CAR , and the conclusions. Conclusions from the research indicate that the multifaceted and effective actions of the FBOs in armed conflicts are taking place. Those conclusions are going to be an entry point for in-depth research on FBOs’ status in relations with other peace processes actors.
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nr 9/10
64-82
PL
Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu jest konflikt niemiędzynarodowy opisany na przykładzie konfliktu w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej, ukazanie metod prowadzenia walki przez strony konfliktu oraz zasady użycia Wojska Polskiego w operacjach policyjnych. W artykule wykorzystano dostępne materiały źródłowe, w tym m.in.: przekazy organizacji międzynarodowych opisujących konflikt w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej, wytyczne specjalistyczne w sprawie sformowania i przygotowania Polskiego Kontyngentu Wojskowego, dokumenty normujące użycie pododdziałów policji wojskowych (ang. Integrated Police Unit). Informacje dotyczące zakazanych metod walki pochodzą z analizy raportów międzynarodowych agencji zajmujących się ochroną praw człowieka – Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International – opracowanych w celu udokumentowania zbrodni na ludności cywilnej. Charakterystyczne dla tego konfliktu było właśnie skierowanie głównych działań zbrojnych przeciwko cywilom.
EN
The Central African Republic (CAR), a country that is often overlooked in the international arena, has suffered a series of military coups and political unrest since independence from France in 1960. That article briefly shows the road to conflict, describes serious violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law committed within the territory of CAR between January 2003 and December 2015, and explains the legal frame of the process of using international security forces in law-enforcement type of military operations. The Central African Republic needs a conflict-solving effort and a peace process that solves the problem of violence between the Séléka and groups of armed fighters that opposed ex-Séléka forces, called “anti-Balaka”. Several organizations, principally the United Nations, are working in the country in order to end the conflict. However, the conflict is still ongoing, creating a wave of violence that has resulted in thousands of refugees, interim displaced people, deaths and political uncertainty.
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