Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

The Silent War between the Superpowers. Foreign Policy of the United States and the Soviet Union in the Mediterranean at the 1980s

100%

Rafal W.

Ad Americam

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2011

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tom 12

141-148

EN

The Mediterranean was a main region in the policy of the United States and the Soviet Union in the 1980s. This part of the world was one of the most important areas of rivalry during the Cold War after 1945. At that time it was the most militarized region in the world. In the postwar world, despite rapid advances in all types of communication, the Mediterranean retained its importance as a unique strategic maritime passageway because of the continuity of naval routes, air routes and strategic directions which largely coincide with the strategies of bloc activity. This article describes the presence of the naval forces of the USA and the USSR in the basin of the Mediterranean, the diplomatic and military rivalry between these superpowers and the implications of this competition for international relations at the end of the Cold War.

2

Ściganie i karanie sprawców gwałtu i przemocy seksualnej podczas konfliktów zbrojnych po zakończeniu zimnej wojny

100%

Domagała A.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

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2011

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tom 12

209-226

EN

The paper explores changing attitude of the international society to war rape and other sexual violence that took place in the armed conflicts after the end of the Cold War. The evolution from shameful misprision to dynamic efforts aiming at penalization of the crime of sexual violence is marked, firstly, by the statutes of the international tribunals (two ad hoc and one permanent) and, secondly, by judgments of these criminal courts. The crucial documents of tribunals (e.g.of cases Furundžija, Akayesu, Kunarac) constituted milestones on the way to punishing perpetrators of abhorrent sexual crimes. They reflect the process of preparing or even creating international law terms and instruments that have been necessary to prosecute and punish rapists and other violators. The effects are inter alia a progressive definition of rape, determination to prosecute perpetrators of the most massive and systematic crimes and recognising (under specific circumstances) sexual crime as crimes against humanity and genocide.

3

CHOSEN EXAMPLES OF USSR SECRET SERVICE ACTIVITIES IN AFRICA DURING COLD WAR PERIOD (Wybrane przyklady aktywnosci sluzb specjalnych ZSRR w Afryce w epoce zimnej wojny)

100%

Al-Temimi D.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

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2010

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nr 2

175-192

EN

The following article discusses chosen examples of Soviet intelligence activities on the African continent during Cold War. It contains events in Angola, Ghana, Egypt, Ethiopia, Somalia and Mozambique. The author presented interference of the Soviet Committee for State Security (KGB) and allied intelligence services in internal and foreign policy of these states.

4

Unwilling Immigrants: Transnational Identities of East Central European Exiles During the Cold War

100%

Mazurkiewicz A.

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2015

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tom 41

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nr 4 (158)

159–171

EN

While many definitions of “political exile” exist across disciplines, they tend to focus on three areas: the social and psychological experience of exiles before leaving their homeland, the causes, motivations, means of departure, and the adjustment, assimilation of exiles in the country of asylum. None of these address the question of what the exiles actually do abroad politically in an attempt to return to their home country. My research begins where these assumptions stop. In my paper I define a political exile as a person compelled to leave his homeland whose material and psychological status is a dynamic one. Furthermore, a political exile wishes to contribute to the host society, share his assets (knowledge, skills) in exchange for support of his cause. A political exile is engaged in a collective project usually originating in the homeland which is realized in the host country, unwaveringly determined to return. “Unwilling” to fully assimilate, a political exile claims legitimacy in representing his compatriots abroad while adaptation and integration with the host society are in progress. I propose that the legacy of the political exile activities in the West during the Cold War be considered in the context in which they were created: being influenced by transnational and multiethnic spaces. Formed, pressed and spelled out in the conditions that are multifaceted, rather than simply transmitted from the pre-Soviet traditions, or resulting from the contacts with the “captive” compatriots.

5

Americko-sovětské vztahy na jaře 1948 očima československého diplomata Josefa Hanče

100%

Dejmek J.

Slovanské historické studie (Slavonic Historical Studies)

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2009

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tom 34

167-202

EN

At the beginning of May 1948 US-ambassador in USSR W. B. Smith conveyed to chief of Soviet diplomacy V. Molotov a memorandum about American reservations concerning contemporary Soviet Policy. This action not only evokes a political replay from J. V. Stalin, but arouses a big interest from Leadership of Czechoslovak communist government in development of American-Soviet Relations. At the Initiative from Prague the Czechoslovak charge d´affaires in Washington Josef Hanc had written a series of eight memoranda, where he analyzed actual state of relations between USA and USSR. The texts of these memoranda are published as an annex to this article. In his documents Hanc concluded, that American diplomacy does not aspire to some solutions of basic problems between both states, but only to troubleshooting of some partial problems. It has been the last attempt at some objective analysis of relationship between the super-powers at the beginning of Cold War from Czechoslovak view.

6

STIL UND BEDEUTUNG: ÜBER KONKURRIERENDE RENAISSANCEMODELLE IN DER POLARISIERTEN WELT DES KALTEN KRIEGES

100%

Kodres K.

ARS

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2015

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tom 48

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nr 2

118 – 135

EN

The main subject of this article is the texts of Soviet (and Soviet Estonian) art historians to Renaissance art at the time of Stalin to the thaw period - the period of the Cold War in the years 1945 - the 1965. They are compared with the texts that have been published on the opposite side of the iron curtain. The renaissance art history of both ideological camps had many similarities, because the treatise framework has been formed by the artistic discourse developing in the West since the 19th century.

7

Československo-francouzské vztahy na počátku studené války: Francouzské diplomatické zastoupení v Československu v letech 1948–1956

100%

Motejlkova L.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2008

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tom 16

251-290

EN

The diplomatic relations between Czechoslovakia and France saw a dramatic decline after February 1948. The involvement of several French diplomats in the preparation of escape of J. Sramek and F. Hala impaired the mutual relations of both countries already in spring 1948. The people's democratic Czechoslovakia, whose foreign policy was now controlled from Moscow, systematically reduced the diplomatic representation of capitalist states in its territory. In 1951, after a secret police intervention, the French consulate in Bratislava was closed, and in a couple of weeks only the embassy in either country's capital remained, dealing with the most urgent matters only. The main focus of mutual relations moved over to the unofficial level of contacts between the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and the Communist Party of France. Starting from 1954, Czechoslovakia restored the official contacts with the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the rapprochement efforts culminated with a 1956 agreement on exchange of parliament delegations. Further development of mutual relations, however, was interrupted by the events taking place in Hungary and Egypt in autumn 1956. As a result, the relations just restored declined and reached the freezing point again.

8

Działalność wywiadowcza Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki w dobie pozimnowojennej

100%

Furgacz P.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2010

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nr 2(14)

175-196

EN

In recent years a growing intelligence activity of the People’s Republic of China has been observed by U.S. counterintelligence services. The increasing expansion of Chinese intelligence in the United States of America is a serious threat to American national security. Chinese espionage on U.S. territory is so common and so intensive that it became a topic of national debate. A real breakthrough in perceiving this threat was issuing the so -called Cox report which took place during Bill Clinton’s second term. The conclusions of the report were alarming, to put it mildly. The article shortly presents the crucial theses of the Cox report and controversies regarding its conclusions. Moreover, it raises the question of cyberespionage and cyberwarfare – a kind of Chinese intelligence activity that is very troublesome to various U.S. institutions. The highly computerized and informatized United States seem to be extraordinarily vulnerable to acts of cyberterrorism and cyberespionage. It is a real Achilles’ heel of the USA. Apart from that, the article enumerates and describes the most characteristic features of Chinese spying activities in the USA. The presidency of George W. Bush witnessed further intensification of unfriendly activities of Chinese spies. It was reflected by many well -known cases of Chinese spies identified and arrested by U.S. counterintelligence institutions and then found guilty by U.S. courts. Several examples of such cases are presented in the article as well as the spheres and fields that are especially susceptible to Chinese intelligence penetration.

9

Neznámý příběh českého exilu: Josef Kučík a Sdružení Lidé dobré vůle v Západní Austrálii, 1950–1969

88%

Miller J.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2012

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tom 20

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nr 2

211-233

EN

The number of Czech and Slovak post-February (1948) exiles in Australia, according to the Australian national census of 1954, amounted to some 10 to 12 thousand people referred to as displaced persons. The rather high number was mainly due to the fact that Australia offered the shortest repatriation waiting time and, at least at the turn of the 1940s, actively fostered immigration from Europe. For that purpose the Australian government launched a media campaign that found its echo primarily in the refugee camps in Germany and Austria. The group of Czech post-February (1948) exiles, numbering some 400-500 persons in the 1950s, was developing rather separately (perhaps even in voluntary isolation) from the main exile centers. The above group in Australian exile faced many personal, collective, organizational, financial and political controversies and problems. In the fall of 1969 the first stage of Czech and Slovak emigration to Western Australia was closed and another stage started in connection with the new wave of post-August (1968) exiles.

10

EMIGRÁCIA Z ČESKOSLOVENSKA V OBDOBÍ STUDENEJ VOJNY V MODELI PUSH A PULL FAKTOROV

88%

Štefančík R.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

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2015

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tom 8

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nr 1

31 – 48

EN

The author deals with the issue of emigration from a non-democratic in undemocratic states on the example of emigration from the former Czechoslovakia to West. The emigration during Cold War is analysed as a kind of individual choice of a not only rational actor, but also non-rational, who have to manage many obstacles to escape. This means that the emigration of Slovak and Czech refugees cannot be explained only by classical economic theories. For this reason the author is using push and pull paradigm as a suitable model. In contrast to classical theories by using this paradigm it will be explained the reasons of emigration, but there are also included physical, legislative and bureaucratic obstacles, as well as individual factors of emigrants.

11

The Rhetoric of Peace during the Cold War

88%

Rzepecka M.

Ad Americam

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2010

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tom 11

99-106

EN

In the 1970s, the United States and the Soviet Union launched a new course in their contacts called 'détente'. One of the main reasons for this remarkable turnabout was a radical change of views of the two countries' leaders. President Nixon and General Secretary Brezhnev openly expressed their readiness and willingness to overcome ideological barriers to build and keep permanent peace. The aim of this paper is to illustrate the two leaders' views by analyzing two speeches, one made by Nixon during his visit to the Soviet Union in 1972 and the other made by Brezhnev during his stay in the United States in 1973. Examination of their rhetorical strategies - such as choice of words, arguments, and emphasis - reveals how Nixon and Brezhnev understood peace and how they aimed to achieve it. Confronting the two leaders' goals with the actual outcomes of their actions, and taking the significance of political changes as a yardstick of fulfilled declarations, it can be demonstrated whether Nixon and Brezhnev truly desired to achieve enduring peace or whether they used peace rhetoric as a tool to weaken each other's vigilance and take the lead in the Cold War race.

12

U.S. Diplomacy and the Brazilian Coup d'état of 1964

88%

Fatalski M.

Ad Americam

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2011

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tom 12

53-62

EN

Brazil has always remained on the list of priorities of the United States policy towards Latin America. The size of this country, its demographic potential, natural resources and political ambitions caused Washington to observed the foreign policy and domestic affairs of Brazil with utmost concern during the Cold War period. The Cuban revolution radically bolstered anticommunist fears, which influenced the policy of the U.S. in the region. The administration of John Kennedy worked out a new policy in Latin America based on an assumption that repressions are an inefficient tool in the war against the communist danger. The U.S.A. offered its Latin American partners the Alliance for Progress, which was an unprecedented program of economic aid. The aim of the new policy was not only the economic advancement of Latin America but also its democratization. However, the political reality unveiled the weaknesses of this plan. Washington did not accept radical politicians as heads of the states if their programs and policies did not guarantee maintenance of ties with the United States and anticommunist foreign policy. Thus, the presidencies of Janio Quadros and Joao Goulart (1961-1964) became intolerable for the United States. Washington supported the idea of a military coup d'état which was to protect Brazil from a communist dictatorship.

13

EGYPT V SILOČIARACH VEĽMOCENSKEJ POLITIKY V POLOVICI 60. ROKOV 20. STOROČIA

88%

Sorby K.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

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2012

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tom 60

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nr 1

77 – 98

EN

The coming to Power of Lyndon B. Johnson and the expulsion of Nikita Khruschev from the Kremlin brought about important changes in the relationship between the superpowers and the Arab states. The period witnessed a steady deterioration of both inter-Arab and US-Arab relations. By the end of 1964 US-Egyptian relations reached a crisis. Several developments led to this point: 1. further Egyptian economic and military dependence on the Soviet Union; 2. Egypt’s involvement in the Arab-Israeli conflict; 3. Egyptian military and political support of the rebels in the Congo; 4. Egypt’s armed presence in Yemen; 5. the fire of the Kennedy Library in Cairo; 6. US economic threats against Cairo. The calm that marked the period was deceptive; the storm was never far away.

14

ZPÍVEJ, KOVBOJI. SNY, PŘEDSTAVY (A SKUTEČNOST) O DIVOKÉM ZÁPADU

88%

Jareš M.

Slovenská literatúra (Slovak Literature)

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2013

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tom 60

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nr 6

455 – 461

EN

The author tries to capture how the western, which originally existed as the American form of historical and, actually, realistic novel, took root in the countries where the tradition of winning the Wild West and patriotic tendencies were more or less absent or they were depicted by using different genres and techniques. He contemplates whether the western in its essence exists until now or it is just in the position of a romanticizing and fossilized genre. Alongside the conscious exotism of the western, the genre – from the historical point of view, especially in the territory of Czechoslovakia - is able to function in its transformed meaning as a trigger for the tramp movement (and thus can also be seen as one of many roots of the Leftist Avant-garde), as well as a moral and social solution. Idealizing the „American“ element, which dates back to the 1930s, was also a moving force for liberal and free thinking, which in its black-and-white distinction often helped to overcome oppression and totalitarianism. The stereotypical battle between good and evil complemented by freedom simply works in any totalitarian society better – although with hindsight. He admits it was partly just a precursor of the Ideology of Consumerism. Since the second half of the 20th century the western imagery has moved from the literary form mainly to film adaptations and recently it has reached a stage when the western has de facto lost its opponent as well as its essence and the motivation for existence. Its current form undergoing a worldwide transformation from Romanticism preferably to Realistic-Naturalistic depictions then naturally has to seek its own purpose as well as the users, who often incline to other sources of pleasure in Pop Culture.

15

CZECHOSLOVAKIA AGAINST WILLIAM NATHAN OATIS

75%

Michálek S.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

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2007

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tom 55

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nr suppl. issue

137 – 159

EN

The story of the American journalist W. N. Oatis’ time in 1950s Prague is an integral part of Cold War history. It is a document on the non-democratic or totalitarian atmosphere in Communist Czechoslovakia where the state police was very powerful. Oatis’s case followed the traditional scenario. Oatis was first followed by the state police, then arrested and accused of espionage. In the year 1950 he was sentenced to 10 years in prison. This process had two political dimensions – the internal and external. From the viewpoint of the internal context the state police proved links between some domestic political representatives and the imperialistic West; from the viewpoint of the external context this process proved that Czechoslovakia was not afraid of the USA. Oatis’ case was accompanied by intensive Czechoslovak-American diplomatic negotiations which resulted in economic and trade limitations and losses for Czechoslovakia.

16

Československá angažovanost v řecké občanské válce a ve speciálních misích KS Řecka

75%

Tsivos K.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2010

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tom 96

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nr 3-4

283-297

EN

This article follows an earlier essay 'Zdrzenlivy internacionalismus (the Restrained Internationalism)' by the late Balkanist Pavel Hradecny which analysed Czechoslovak material aid to the Greek communist partisans after the end of WWII. The new essay, supported by archival resources of predominantly Czech origin, aims at certain 'lateral', hitherto unknown aspects of the Czechoslovak involvement in the Greek civil war and immediately after its end when 12,000 Greek immigrants found refuge in Czechoslovakia. The second chapter explains the role of Czechoslovak security services during establishment and operation of the so-called diversionists' school of Greek communists in Moravia in the critical 'Cold-War' period of 1950-1951. The third chapter reconstructs Czechoslovak participation in the subsequent illegal missions taken by the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) in the 'monarch-Fascist' Greece. The final fourth chapter clarifies the role of Czechoslovak repressive organs in purges of the Greek communist leaders against 'unreliable elements' that were active within the Greek emigres in Czechoslovakia.

17

XX wiek — waga dziedzictwa

63%

Kosidło A.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

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2013

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nr 4

39-54

EN

The purport of this paper is to highlight the development tendencies and characteristics of the 20th century, which was decisive in forming the found ations of the present world. The narrative underlines the fact that it was an age of wars, ideological rivalry between democratic capitalism versus fascism and then communism, nationalisms and insurgencies for freedom and social change; time when international domination of the United States consol idated and when enormous social, economic, scientific and technological progress was made. But it was also a century of atrocities, often amounting to genocide — so alien to the twentieth-century image of the allegedly humanistic progress.

18

URBAN CARTOGRAPHIES IN THE POST-COLD WAR ERA: POSTMODERN CHALLENGES TO ETHNOCENTRIC AND GLOBALIST MAPPINGS

63%

Cornis-Pope M.

World Literature Studies

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2009

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tom 1(18)

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nr 1

14-27

EN

The post-Cold war period has freed our topographic imagination of traditional ideological polarizations, but has often replaced these imperialistic mappings with cartographies of a nationalistic or ethnocentric kind that promote resentful cultural division. Much of this new ethnic and nationalist fundamentalism has emerged in direct reaction to the pressure of the First World's globalizing ideologies. The new tensions between global interdependency and ethnocentric separatism, First-World centres and Third-World peripheries, indicate a state of continued crisis at the level of the ideological frameworks within which cultural exchanges unfold. Neither a globalist notion of multiculturalism, nor a defensive localism is a proper approach to the issue of otherness. The alternative is the naive celebration of 'hybridity' and 'national centrism' (Homi Bhabha, Edward Soja and the others). The author asserts that we need 'narratives of relation positionality' (Susan Stanford Friedman) that will challenge traditional separations between self and other, western and non-western, male and female, global and local. The paper shows on examples from present American and Central Europe literature, that postmodernism is able to afford this 'narratives of relation positionality'.

19

Czechoslovakia and Poland: Supervising Peace on the Korean Peninsula 1953–1955

44%

Gnoinska M. K.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2012

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tom 98

|

nr 3-4

293-320

EN

This article analyses the dynamics and tactics of the communists in Asia in the immediate aftermath of the Korean War, linking the issue of armistice supervisit on the Korean Peninsula through the Neutral Nations' Supervisory Commission (NNSC – of which Poland and Czechoslovakia were members alongside Sweden and Switzerland) to the genesis of the International Control and Supervisory Commission in Southeast Asia (ICC – of which Poland became a member alongside Canada and India). The article argues that Poland, by acting for its own interests and as both an agent for Moscow and Beijing, which called for easing East-West tensions, moderated the Cold War in Asia to some degree while cautiously pursuing the communist cause. The article shows that North Korea contributed to the Cold War's intensification by adopting hard-line approaches in dealing with the West. The article further suggests that although neither Beijing nor Prague may have wanted to exacerbate the Cold War, problems of insubordination (and misunderstandings) contributed to Czechoslovak and Chinese military officials on the Korean Peninsula to cause tensions that went against the goals of the communist camp of relaxing East-West relations. The article concludes that both the Soviets and the Chinese needed an Eastern European country in Southeast Asia that could do both: advance the communist cause and be appealing to the West. The Poles, unlike thein Czechoslovak counterparts in the NNSC, seemed to be the match, especially since they were able to exhibit these two tendencies while serving on the Korean Peninsula. These flexible approaches most likely landed Poland a job as a member of the ICC. Finally, the article shows that the communist world was not always a united and monolithic entity as disputes and disagreements abounded, and that smaller nations like Czechoslovakia, North Korea, and Poland were active players with their own agendas and interests.