Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

'TITLE OF CITIZEN IS HIGHLY RESPECTED HERE...'

100%

Baczko B.

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nr 2-3(20)

167-183

EN

When creating the institutions of a modern, democratic state, the French Revolution created a new social-political phenomenon - a citizen came into being. The author's essay answers the questions: What was the citizen according to the then imagery? According to what role model was it supposed to be modeled? What expression in language use did imagery about citizenship find?

2

FILOZOFIA NOVOVEKU AKO ZDROJ MODERNÉHO CHÁPANIA POLITIKY. KONTEXT MOCI

80%

Olejník Ľ.

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tom 2

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nr 1

79 – 83

EN

The aim of the presented text is to trace, identify and define the modern background to the Western understanding of implementation of political power and the power management of society and to determine their topicality in the current form of policy. In the text we look at the modern axiological, ethical and ideological sources of modern politics, when the power has been analysed in the context of individualism, freedom and citizenship.

3

Aktivní občanství a spokojenost s demokracií v Evropě

80%

Vlachova K. , Lebeda T.

Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review

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2006

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tom 42

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nr 1

11-34

EN

In this article the authors describe what forms of political participation, outside the electoral process, the populations of twenty-one European countries tend to employ and to what degree. They identify three types of non-electoral political participation: active-conventional, active-demonstrational, and passive participation. Overall non-electoral political participation is considerably lower in the post-communist and Mediterranean countries than in the Western European and Scandinavian countries. In the latter countries the passive type of political participation is clearly a much stronger form of participation than the other two types. Conversely, in the Mediterranean countries passive participation is weaker and is exceeded in places by the active-conventional type of participation. The Mediterranean area is also notable for the unusually strong presence of the active-demonstrational type of participation. The authors also examine the social micro and macro-conditions related to these three types of political participation. In conclusion they attempt to address the question of whether there is a connection between political activity and satisfaction with the way democracy works.

4

TOPICALITY OF POLITICAL REPUBLICANISM

80%

Anchústegui Igartua E.

Filozofia (Philosophy)

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2020

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tom 75

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nr 5

356 – 371

EN

In this article I reflect upon political republicanism and its conceptual development in distinct historical periods. For this, I summarize the position of key republican authors and analyse the main concepts which have shaped this current of political thought. My objective is to present a reasoned exposition of republican political theory, inviting the reader to adapt it to our own societies and their challenges.

5

Trying to make the intangible tangible – communicating national identity to new immigrants through citizenship handbooks. A case study of citizenship testing materials in the UK

80%

Czerska K.

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2010

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tom 2. Kultura a komunikacja

35-58

EN

This article is involved in citizenship tests in different countries. It compares Great Britain and France focusing on a linguistic analysis of the citizenship handbooks.

6

IDEA UHORSKÉHO VLASTENECTVA A OBČIANSKEJ INDIVIDUÁLNOSTI NA KRIŽOVATKE POLITICKÝCH STRATÉGIÍ

80%

Martinkovič M.

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nr 10

838-858

EN

A constitutive part of the political opposition in Austria-Hungary in the second half of the 19th century against the political and philosophical stands of the liberally oriented New school were also the pro-government newspapers 'Krajan' and 'Vlastenec'. Although their formal ground were the principles of the civic liberalism, they in fact subordinated the last to the idea of Hungarian patriotism and the strategy of preserving the status quo. These pro-government periodicals defended politically the idea of exclusivity of the political rights of the previous 'natio hungarica'. Concomitant to it was the idea of the meritocracy and superiority of the fatherland over the individual nations, or the whole over the part. The dominating interpretation of Hegel's philosophy of history, adopted by the Hungarian political elite, as well as its romantic one-sidedness (transparent in enforcing of the political objectives, i.e. setting out the patriotism in the Hungarian style, regardless to the cultural diversity) made it in the long run impossible to implement the liberal principles of the civic and cultural equality in the Hungarian region of the Austrian-Hungarian monarchy.

7

PRIMARY TEACHERS HAVE OVERRUN THE EXIST CIVIC EDUCATION CURRICULUM IN SLOVAKIA

80%

Danišková Z. , Lukšík I.

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tom 8

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nr 2

59 – 75

EN

A number of studies have pointed to the low level of civic participation among young people. On the other hand, there is a section of the youth population that is politically involved in and supportive of extremist and anti-system political movements. Public discussions have suggested that this may be linked to inadequacies in citizenship education. However, as the Slovak case shows, the causes of this are deeper, have historic roots and are reflected in the fact that citizenship education has been pushed to the margins of the curriculum and is narrowly interpreted. Citizenship education is not just about the nature of the curriculum but also about broader extra-curricular activities and about the direct, or implicit, instruction provided by teachers. The empirical research presented here shows that primary school teachers go beyond the narrow framework of the national social studies syllabus and implicitly teach citizenship education in line with their own civic orientations.

8

NON-PARTICIPATION OF SURVEY RESPONDENTS: SEXUAL AND BODILY OTHERNESS ON THE MARGIN OF PUBLIC INTEREST (Nazorova neparticipacia: sexualna a telesna inakost na okraji zaujmu)

70%

Bianchi G. , Luha J.

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nr 5

548-563

EN

The paper presents a non-conventional approach to non-participation in survey-respondents' behaviour. The topic of the analysis is the attitudes to certain minorities in the population - sexual minorities, people with body and mental handicap. These sexual and bodily forms of otherness are being discussed in the conceptual framework of cultural and intimate citizenship. Empirical data indicate a significantly higher incidence of respondents' refusal to answer questions concerning conditions, chances and needs of citizens with above mentioned otherness - as compared to assessing conditions of other minorities; simultaneously, claims for help from the society are significantly less acknowledged for these groups. A demographic profile of the most frequently 'refusing' respondents is characteristic by certain education, age and residence size. Results are discussed in the context of the overall value-background in Slovakia, its political development, and current discourses on sexual and bodily otherness.

9

ACTION, REACTION, INACTION? YOUNG ADULTS, CITIZENSHIP IN BRITAIN

70%

Grundy S. , Jamieson L.

Sociológia (Sociology)

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2004

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tom 36

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nr 3

237-252

EN

This paper examines young adults' orientations to citizenship in Britain, drawing on surveys of random samples of 18-24 year olds. A range of experiences, behaviour and attitudes are explored including: citizenship education, voting, attitude to voting, party affiliation, participation in clubs and societies and engagement with social and political issues. These questions have been asked at a time when citizenship is on many agendas and there is much concern about the apparent apathy of young people regarding local, national and supranational issues. In Britain, some commentators hoped that the advent of a Scottish parliament would help re-engage young people in Scotland with politics and citizenship. This paper compares young people living in Edinburgh, Scotland with young people living in Manchester, an equivalent sized city in England. Like previous research, our data show that while young people are interested in social and political issues they do not focus their concerns on engagement with formal political systems. Many hold negative views about politics, such as feeling that they have little control over what the government does. However, young people's disaffection with voting is somewhat lower in Edinburgh than Manchester despite no greater faith in political parties. This may be an effect of the Scottish parliament. At the same time, young people in Edinburgh are only slightly more likely to be involved in associations and no more likely to be interested in and engaged with a range of wider social and political issues. If there is an effect of devolution on active citizenship, it is, at least for this cohort of young citizens, a very modest one.

10

FILOZOFIA A VÝCHOVA K SVETOOBČIANSTVU

70%

Stachoň M.

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tom 9

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nr 2

30 – 34

EN

The article tries to point out the complications with the understanding of cosmopolitanism, with the possibility of education for cosmopolitanism and the importance of philosophy for the mentioned problems. Last but not least, we will also focus on the situation with the individual in the current social conditions in the context of the meaning in the current global processes.

11

STRUGGLE FOR THE DEFINITION OF CITIZENSHIP: INSTITUTIONAL AND DISCURSIVE FORMS AND TECHNIQUES OF CONSTRUCTION OF THE IMAGE OF FOREIGNER IN THE DEVELOPMNET OF FRENCH FEPUBLICAN MODEL OF INTEGRATION

70%

Kostian D.

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2007

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tom 39

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nr 4

337-356

EN

The so-called riots, taking place in French suburbs in November 2005, reopened a public and academic debate on character of French immigration policy and its future. Article aims to outline a wider context of immigration issue in France by analysing both institutional and discursive aspects of construction of image of foreigner in historic relation of inter-national domination between dominant group represented by state and its republican model of integration and inferior group of the North African immigrants. Article considers some theoretical implications of the relations between a project of nation-state and institution of citizenship, which in France led to the genesis and evolution of assimilation model of integration. In such a framework, colonial discourse represent historically important example of construction of foreigner's image, which shaped later political debates on reconstitution and 'crises' of French nation-state. Moreover, history and development of French immigration policy is presented in context of some structural changes in labour market, which led to the establishment of new international division of labour and new kind of urban poverty. Concentration of the working-class poor immigrants in highly modernistic neighbourhoods and its spatial segregation is the most visible unintended consequence of French immigration policy. Special attention is paid to the reformulation of immigration issue as a security problem, which revived colonial discourse by reification of cultural differences and by ethnicization of the social relations. Instead of blaming second and third generation immigrants for their failure to integrate into major society, the unrests form in November 2005 should be understood as a specific form of political and cultural protest against their structural discrimination in work, housing and everyday life as a result of new image of the dangerous foreigners created by more restrictive measures of immigration policy.

12

VÝSLEDKY Z VÝSKUMU OBČANOV SR MAĎARSKEJ NÁRODNOSTI

70%

Macháček L.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

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2010

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tom 3

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nr 2

54 – 79

EN

Interplay of European, National and Regional Identities: nations between states along the new eastern borders of the European Union FP7-SSH-2007: Project No. 217227 collaborative research project (2008-2011)“ is an international research project dedicated to the analysis of socio- ethnic identities in Eastern Europe, to the issues of individual or group self-identification and ethnicity. In 2009 (November and December), 801 interviews were conducted in the form of random selection with respondents of Hungarian ethnicity living in Slovakia. The majority of the population of Slovakia of Hungarian ethnicity identified themselves with the statement „I am a Hungarian living in Slovakia (68%). Two groups chose Hungarian identity (identifying themselves with the statement „I am a Hungarian“ (16%) and „I am a Slovak of Hungarian descent“ (13%). „True Hungarians“, according to the respondents, do not have to be born in Hungary, or to live there most of their lives, nor do they have to have Hungarian citizenship. What is important for them is to feel Hungarian and to speak the Hungarian language. The young generation of ethnic Hungarians in Slovakia is more open to European integration, does not see it as a cause for concern when it comes to the loss of their national identity and rather regards it as a contribution to the lives of the Slovak population at large.

13

Dysfunkcje dyskursu wokół apatii politycznej w Polsce

60%

Szczegóła L.

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2013

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nr 1(208)

173-186

EN

Low level of the Poles’ participation in political life has been a problem widely discussed in the literature. For over twenty years many research works have undertaken this problem and described such phenomena as the exceptionalism of the political culture and the mentality of the Polish society. This paper delivers an overview and a critical analysis of the state of the scientific reflection. It focuses on semantics of this reflection, a problem of the language as well as the terminology used by the Polish authors. The main thesis is that the discourse on the Poles’ (as citizens) political apathy is a dysfunction of public sphere. The features of the discourse (such as genetism, eclecticism of the concept and ideas or inconclusiveness) provide no grounds for making practical recommendations.

14

TESTY OBYWATELSKIE. NARZĘDZIE INTEGRACJI CZY BARIERA DLA NATURALIZACJI?

60%

Szaranowicz-Kusz M.

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2011

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tom 37

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nr 2(140)

81-95

EN

The debate on adding stricter requirements of civic knowledge to previously existing language tests, shows how diverse the expectations towards citizenship applicants are. The paper explains why the recent introduction of citizenship tests has raised controversy. The tests are questioned in two ways. Firstly, there are doubts whether applicants for naturalization should be tested at all. The most problematic aspect of those requirements is the intention or effect of raising barriers to naturalization among long-term resident immigrants. It is debatable whether a citizenship test is an instrument of civic integration, or just on the contrary, of exclusion from the community. Secondly, the controversy focuses on the kinds and contents of the citizenship tests. The study shows that the requirements and expectations toward new citizens are varied. Although, in some cases civic tests are a serious obstacle to citizenship acquisition, the question whether they also might be a tool of integration is still open.

15

O niektórych uwarunkowaniach i barierach migracji

51%

Smolarkiewicz E.

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nr 2(2)

107-120

XX

Proces rozszerzenia Unii Europejskiej wiąże się z nasileniem i zmianą dotychczasowych kierunków ruchów migracyjnych. Zwyczajowo kraje uznawane za emigracyjne stopniowo ulegają przekształceniu w kraje imigracji. Uwarunkowań tego typu zachowań można upatrywać, odwołując się do klasycznej teorii E.S. Lee zarówno w oddziaływaniu czynników występujących w kraju pochodzenia (push factors), jak i istniejących w kraju przeznaczenia (pull factors). Decyzja migracyjna nie jest przy tym wynikiem prostej kalkulacji zysków i strat, dokonywanej na podstawie oceny powyższych czynników, ale opiera się także na analizie możliwości przezwyciężenia „barier pośrednich” (intervening obstacles). Wśród tych barier szczególną uwagę zwraca prowadzona w kraju przyjmującym polityka imigracyjna, której instrumenty określa zarówno prawo krajowe, jak i uregulowania międzynarodowe. Jednym z nich jest formuła nadawania obywatelstwa, która teoretycznie gwarantuje imigrantom równość wobec prawa. Osiągnięcie określonego statusu prawnego nie pokrywa się automatycznie z osiągnięciem statusu społeczno--kulturowego. W tym wymiarze większe znaczenie odgrywa kryterium pochodzenia etnicznego, które określa miejsce imigranta – „nowego obywatela” w strukturze społecznej kraju przyjmującego. Co więcej, w zależności od modelu polityki imigracyjnej jest czynnikiem określającym samą możliwość ubiegania się o bycie obywatelem.

EN

The enlargement of the European Union is connected with intensification and change of previous directions of migration movements. Usually, countries recognized as emigration countries gradually turn into immigration countries. Referring to the classic theory by E.S. Lee conditions of that type of behaviour can be sought in both the effects of factors associated with the area of origin (push factors) as well as in the existing factors associated with the area of destination (pull factors). The migration decision is therefore not a result of a simple calculation of gains and losses made on the grounds of an assessment of the above mentioned factors, but it is also based upon an analysis of the possibilities of overcoming the so called “intervening obstacles”. These obstacles include, among others, the immigration policy of the receiving country, to which particular attention is paid to by a potential immigrant. The policy instruments are defi ned both by the country law and by international regulations. One of them is access to citizenship, which in theory guarantees equal justice under law. The achievement of a given legal status does not automatically translate into achieving a social-cultural status. In this dimension, a greater meaning is attributed to the criterion of ethnic origin that defi nes the immigrant’s – “new citizen’s” place in the receiving country’s social structure. Moreover, depending on the model of immigration policy this criterion itself determines the possibility of applying for citizenship.

16

Obywatelskość i cnota – niepodważalny związek polityki i etyki w starożytnej Grecji

51%

Grzybowski J.

Kwartalnik Filozoficzny

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2015

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tom 43

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nr 4

125-149

EN

In contemporary discussions the idea of citizenship is strongly associated with the French Revolution and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen proclaimed in 1789. The basis for citizenship in democratic countries is the recognition of universal principles of the law and an attitude of obedience and loyalty to the constitution. Currently in Europe, understanding of and faithfulness to constitutional law is a factor of the self-awareness and maturity of a liberal society. However, citizenship is not modern achievement: it was born in ancient Greece. It is there that the first notion of the citizen was formed. The free inhabitants of the city-states were called politai, people actively engaged in public affairs. The Greeks connected citizenship with virtue. Reflection upon the notions of the citizen and virtue shows that the core of the Greek state was prudence and justice in seeking the common good. The virtues form the canon of the attitudes that constitute the ideal of citizenship, and an ethos built on such attitudes can create fair and wise rules of life.

17

OBYWATELSTWO ZAWIEDZIONYCH NADZIEI? POCZĄTKI OBYWATELSTWA PAŃSTWOWEGO NA ZIEMIACH POLSKICH

41%

Szonert M.

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nr 1 (163)

29-62

PL

Autor opisuje początki kształtowania się instytucji obywatelstwa państwowego na ziemiach polskich. Instytucja ta, wprowadzona pr zez cesarza Napoleona, była interpretowana i stosowana przez władze Księstwa Warszawskiego pod wpływem zarówno wzorów francuskich, jak i tradycji polskiej. Obywatelstwo państwowe otwierało możliwości udziału w życiu politycznym Księstwa grupom społecznym wcześniej tego pozbawionym. Jednocześnie jednak stanowiło narzędzie wyłączania społecznego grup uznawanych za niewystarczająco identyfikujące się z narodem i jego etosem. Podobnie jak to miało miejsce w innych krajach, obywatelstwo państwowe stawało się w ten sposób czynnikiem narodowotwórczym, sprzyjającym powstawaniu państw narodowych. Z polityką państwa w zakresie obywatelstwa wiązała się także polityka wobec cudzoziemców. W szczególnych warunkach Księstwa Warszawskiego polityka ta była akceptująca, ukierunkowana na wspieranie imigracji postrzeganej jako wsparcie dla gospodarki Księstwa. Instytucja obywatelstwa państwowego okazała się trwała i – pomimo krótkiego okresu trwania Księstwa Warszawskiego, a za to długiego okresu zaborów – ciągła. Dlatego właśnie okres wprowadzenia instytucji obywatelstwa państwowego jest tak istotny, wyznacza bowiem początek drogi dalszej ewolucji tej instytucji społecznej.

EN

The author describes the beginnings of the formation of the institution of the citizenship of the state on Polish soil. This institution, introduced by Emperor Napoleon, was interpreted and applied by the authorities of the Duchy of Warsaw, under the influence of the patterns of both the French and Polish traditions. The citizenship of the state opened the possibility of participation in the political life of the Principality of social groups previously deprived of it. At the same time, however, it was the tool of social exclusion of the social groups deemed insufficiently identified with the nation and its ethos. Just as it was the case in other countries, state citizenship thus became a factor of nation-building, conducive to the formation of nation states. The state policy in the field of citizenship entailed a policy towards foreigners. In the specific circumstances of the Duchy of Warsaw, this policy focused on fostering immigration perceived as support for the economy of the Principality. The institution of the citizenship of the state proved to be durable and – despite the short existence of the Duchy of Warsaw and the long period of the partition of Poland – continuous. Therefore, the period of the introduction of the institution of state citizenship is so important because it marks the beginning of the road for further evolution of this social institution.