Two-dimensional and one-dimensional models are used to evaluate the seashore effects of the tsunami generated by an asteroid hitting the deep water in the Eastern region of the Black Sea. The shallow water theory has been used to describe tsunami propagation. The distance between the impact point and the nearest coast is about 150 km. The effects on the coastal regions depend on many factors among which the most important is asteroid size. The tsunami generated by a 250 m asteroid reaches the nearest dry land location in 20 minutes and needs about two hours to hit all over the Black Sea coast. The horizontal inundation length is also known as run-in or run-off distance, according to the direction of water movement. The run-up values may be up to 39 m in the Eastern basin and a more than ten times smaller in theWestern region. The Northern part of the Black Sea coast is not affected by the tsunami. The run-in values of a tsunami generated by a 1000 m diameter asteroid are sensibly larger than the similar values associated to a 250 m diameter asteroid. The run-in strongly depends on the distance from the impact position to the shore and on coastal topographical profile. For instance, the run-in distance in case of a tsunami generated by a 250 m size asteroid is 0.1 km (at Varna), 0.5 km (Ordu), 0.7 km (Yalta) and 1.4 km (Sochi). In case of the 1000 m diameter asteroid the run-in distance is 0.7 km (at Varna) and 2.9 km (Yalta). The results accuracy is also discussed.
The subject of the analysis is German and Soviet military operations in the southern sector of the eastern front, with a particular emphasis on the role of rivers and the Black Sea, during these operations. The time frame of the paper includes the beginning of Operation Barbarossa, in June 1941, until the capture of the Crimean peninsula by the Wehrmacht, in July 1942. The article begins with an attempt of defining concepts relevant for further study of the issues mentioned in the title. The role of the Black Sea and its watercourses is discussed and the fact that they played a very important role as defensive lines of the Red Army. The German army showed its huge military potential when crossing rivers. Military operations performed at the Black Sea became an integral element of the fights in the southern sector of the eastern front. The means of warfare involved as well as human and material losses may indicate a ruthlessness of the fighting and importance of the Black Sea theatre of war. Efforts and dedication of the both warring sides in the area of the Black Sea made history.
The article presents research of influence of Russian aggression against Ukraine on Romanian foreign policy and national security. The author analyses the National Defense Strategy adopted in June 2015, the basic threats, risks and key directions of Bucharest policy on minimization of these threats and risks and consolidation of its role on the East flank of NATO and EU as well as in the Area of the Black Sea Region.The article defines key changes and tendencies in Bucharest' foreign policy and outlines its unchangeable basic elements in the context of tectonic shifts in the European security architecture. Apart from that, the paper indicates and analyzes key events in Romania-Ukraine relations in the shadow of Russian revisionist policy.
The purpose of this article is to analyse relations between Ukraine and Romania in the post-communist period. It provides a deep insight into the evolution of these relations in the context of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. The study gives a general overview of the bilateral relations between the two neighbouring countries since the collapse of USSR and restoration of Ukraine’s independence in 1991, focusing on a wide range of irritants both great and small. Further, the research highlights turbulent relations between Kyiv and Bucharest from the historical and socio-cultural perspective. Another neuralgic issue analysed in this paper is Russian illegal annexation of the Crimea and its aggression against Ukraine, which not only destabilised the security balance in the Black Sea, Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East by establishing a large anti-access/area-denial exclusion zone but also caused the greatest threat to the national security of Romania. In fact, with Russia being its direct maritime neighbour Romania cannot cope with this threat alone. Furthermore, the study shows that Russian aggression against Ukraine resulted in intensifying rapprochement between Ukraine and Romania since 2014. Subsequently, Romania condemned the Kremlin’s aggression and became one of the Ukraine’s advocates within the international organisations like the EU, NATO, and the UN. Finally, it is also noteworthy that summit meetings between Kyiv and Bucharest reveal the new phase in their bilateral relations based on the “security first” approach.
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For the first time the concentration of 26 macro- and microelements (Na, Mg, Al, Cl, K, Ca, Sc, V, Mn, Fe, Co, Ni, Zn, As, Br, Rb, Sr, Sb, I, Cs, Ba, Sm, Nd, Ag, Au, and U) in the thalli of brown algae Cystoseira barbata C. Ag. and Cystoseira crinita (Desf.) Bory was determined by instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA), Sevastopol region, south-western Crimea, the Black Sea. The observed peculiarities of the elemental accumulation showed that Cystoseira spp. can be used as a biomonitor of coastal waters pollution in the study area.
PL
Po raz pierwszy oznaczono stężenia 26 makro- i mikroelementów (Na, Mg, Al, Cl, K, Ca, Sc, V, Mn, Fe, Co, Ni, Zn, As, Br, Rb, Sr, Sb, I, Cs, Ba, Sm, Nd, Ag, Au i U) w plechach brunatnic Cystoseira barbata C. Ag. i Cystoseira crinita (Desf.) Bory. Stężenia pierwiastków w próbkach czarnomorskich glonów, zebranych w okolicy Sewastopola (południowo-zachodni Krym), oznaczono z wykorzystaniem instrumentalnej neutronowej analizy aktywacyjnej (INAA). Szczególny charakter akumulacji pierwiastków wskazuje, że glony Cystoseira spp. mogą być używane jako biomonitor zanieczyszczenia wód przybrzeżnych na badanym obszarze.
As it has been discussed by many prominent strategists, the Republic of Turkey is situated in a highly critical position in terms of geopolitics. Being a bridge between the East and the West and a bustling centre of trade and a strategic economic and political nexus between regions of the world, the power vacuum emerged with the end of the Cold War highly jeopardised the stability of Turkey. Therefore, in the period following the collapse of the Soviet Union, regionaleconomic cooperation in Turkish neighbourhood became a high level agenda for Turkey’s foreign policy decision makers. Within this very scope so as to increase intercourse in terms of economy, science, trade, education, technology, politics and culture as well as to minimise future conflicts in the Turkish periphery, Ankara strictly engaged in similar international collaboration projects like the Black SeaEconomic Cooperation.
PL
Jak na to zwraca uwagę wielu wybitnych strategów, Republika Turcji znajduje się w nader krytycznym położeniu z punktu widzenia geopolityki. Będąc pomostem między Wschodem a Zachodem i ruchliwym ośrodkiem handlu oraz strategicznym łącznikiem ekonomicznym i politycznym między regionami świata, Turcja odczuła duże zagrożenie swej stabilności ze strony potężnej próżni, jaka się pojawiła wraz z zakończeniem zimnej wojny. W związku z tym w okresie po upadku Związku Radzieckiego regionalna współpraca gospodarcza w sąsiedztwie Turcji stała się nadrzędnym punktem porządku dziennego dla decydentów polityki zagranicznej Turcji. Wobec tego z myślą o rozwijaniu stosunków gospodarczych, naukowych, handlowych, w zakresie edukacji, technologii polityki i kultury, jak również o zminimalizowaniu przyszłych konfliktów na obrzeżach Turcji, Ankara aktywnie się włączyła w podobne projekty współpracy międzynarodowej, takie jak Współpraca Gospodarcza Państw Morza Czarnego.
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