Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Polityka zagraniczna pierwszych czterech lat prezydentury Baracka Obamy. kontynuacja czy zmiana?

100%

Wordliczek Ł.

|

2013

|

nr 1(23)

129-152

EN

The paper aims at assessing United States foreign policy during Barack Obama’s first term in office. While acknowledging many possible conceptual frameworks, the author uses continuity and change approach. Thus, the following areas are covered: implementation of selected foreign policy decisions, personal dimension, relations with Congress and some projection for future development. Surprisingly, notwithstanding rhetoric of change, it seems to be evident that the United States foreign policy between 2009 and 2012 may be described with considerable amount of continuity.

2

US Policy towards Iran under President Barack Obama's Administration

100%

Milczanowski M.

Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies

|

2014

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tom 29

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nr 4

53-67

EN

Article analyses relations between USA and Iran, after beginning of Barack Obama presidency. New president started from creation of a new doctrine, which changed his international policy in large extent, after ineffective, but very engaged policy of his predecessor. Relations with Iran were the top priority for a new US administration in 2009. President Obama and his Secretary of State made a lot of efforts to change the policy from warlike, and full of threats toward Iran and his allies, into orientated on negotiations, diplomacy and long range peace and security building process. In this aspect only well organized and planned Smart Power policy can be beneficial, but it seems too much use of the soft means of policy produce image of weakening US presence in the Middle East and encouraged Iran to play more decisive role in the region.

3

Od Baracka Obamy do Donalda Trumpa: fundamentalna rewolucja czy funkcjonalna kontynuacja?

100%

Lewicki Z.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2017

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nr 1

7-24

EN

The article deals with the presidential transition in the USA. It discusses main issues that constitute the legacy of Barack Obama and how they are likely to be (dis)continued by Donald Trump. Among problems presented in the text are Obamacare, immigration policy, U.S. policy vis-à-vis Russia, Mexico, and North Korea, as well as the Iranian nuclear deal and the Paris climate agreement. The overall argument is that we deal not so much with a fundamental revolution as with functional continuity.

4

Barack Obama i Donald Trump w Polsce – obraz medialny wizyt amerykańskich prezydentów w polskiej prasie codziennej

89%

Góra M. K.

|

nr 1

87-103

EN

Visits by American presidents in Poland are important, socio-political and media events. This fact was the motivation to conduct research on media presentation of the visits of two American presidents – Barack Obama in 2011 and Donald Trump in 2017 – to Poland which were presented in Polish daily newspapers. The content analysis was based on opinion-forming titles: “Gazeta Wyborcza”, “Rzeczpospolita” and “Dziennik Gazeta Prawna”, and tabloids: “Fakt” and “Super Express”. The aim of the paper is to show the differences in how selected dailies cover two visits and explain where these differences might come from. The research hypothesis assumes that the ideological profile of chosen daily press determines media image of the American presidential visits in Poland, and that the significance of press materials may impact the formation of readers’ views and opinions about leaders of the USA. The author tried to answer the following questions: do the selected titles show bias against any of the presidents?, is the narration of daily newspapers similar to the tabloid press?, and do they undergo tabloidization? The article consists of five parts. The first part discusses the special relationship between Poland and the USA and the perception of American presidents’ visits to Poland. The second section describes agenda-setting, which is the theoretical framework for this study. The third part of the article describes the research methodology, which is based on content analysis. The fourth section is a description of the study of materials published in Polish daily press. The article ends with a summary of the study results. The bias was demonstrated in “Gazeta Wyborcza” (numerous articles, critical of Donald Trump), “Fakt” (numerous articles with positive attitude towards Barack Obama and Donald Trump) and “Super Express” (numerous satirical articles about Barack Obama). In the context of the discussed issues, daily newspapers did not make their narration similar to tabloid press and did not succumb to the tabloidization of media.

PL

Wizyty przywódców Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w Polsce stanowią ważne wydarzenie nie tylko społeczno-polityczne, ale także medialne. Fakt ten był motywacją podjęcia badań nad obrazem medialnym wizyt amerykańskich prezydentów w Polsce – Baracka Obamy w 2011 roku oraz Donalda Trumpa w 2017 roku, który przedstawiano na łamach polskiej prasy codziennej. Analizie zawartości poddano tytuły opiniotwórcze: „Gazetę Wyborczą”, „Rzeczpospolitą” i „Dziennik Gazetę Prawną”, oraz tabloidy: „Fakt” i „Super Express”. Celem badań jest pokazanie różnic w sposobach relacjonowania przez wybrane dzienniki obu wizyt oraz wyjaśnienie, skąd te różnice mogą wynikać. Postawiono hipotezę badawczą, która zakłada, że profil ideologiczny wybranych tytułów determinuje obraz medialny wizyt amerykańskich prezydentów w Polsce, a wydźwięk przekazów prasowych może mieć potencjalny wpływ na kształtowanie poglądów, opinii czytelników wobec przywódców USA. Poszukiwano odpowiedzi na pytania: czy wybrane tytuły przejawiają stronniczość wobec któregoś z prezydentów, czy narracja dzienników opinii jest zbliżona do prasy bulwarowej i czy ulegają zjawisku tabloidyzacji? Artykuł składa się z pięciu części. We wstępie omówiono szczególne relacje łączące Polskę i USA oraz postrzeganie wizyt amerykańskich prezydentów w Polsce. W części drugiej opisano agendę-setting będącą ramą teoretyczną niniejszych rozważań. Trzecia sekcja artykułu to opis metodologii badań, która opiera się na analizie zawartości. Czwarta część to omówienie wyników analizy materiałów opublikowanych na łamach wybranych dzienników. Artykuł wieńczy podsumowanie wyników badań. Stronniczość wykazano w „Gazecie Wyborczej” (liczne publikacje krytyczne wobec Donalda Trumpa) oraz „Fakcie” (liczne publikacje pozytywne wobec Baracka Obamy oraz Donalda Trumpa) i „Super Expressie” (liczne publikacje satyryczne wobec Baracka Obamy). W kontekście omawianej problematyki wykazano również, że dzienniki opinii nie upodabniały swojej narracji do prasy bulwarowej oraz nie uległy tabloidyzacji mediów.

5

USA wobec Bliskiego Wschodu: od Baracka Obamy do Donalda Trumpa

89%

Czornik K.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2018

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nr 3

173-195

EN

The Middle East, as one of the most strategic and, at the same time, conflicting areas both in the twentieth and the first two decades of the 21st century, occupies a key place in the foreign policy of the United States. It is the region where, in various forms, American political, economic and military interests are being realized through competition the other actors in the international arena, taking actions to make the states clients of the United States, strengthening dependencies and links with the countries of the region (including Israel), taking initiatives to look for new allies or using military force as a means of implementing foreign policy in the Middle East, as exempliﬁ ed by the Gulf War, US involvement in Libya and Syria or the war with the so-called Islamic State. The essence of the Middle Eastern US policy has become a kind of sinusoidal variation in reaching for the instruments characteristic for the policy of hard and soft Wilsonianism. While the policy of Barack Obama towards the Middle East was marked by using soft power and an abandonment of the New Crusade and war on terrorism, characteristic for the administration of George W. Bush, Donald Trump presents an uncompromising strategy in accordance with the slogan Make America Great Again and the strategy of building American World Order in the Middle East.

PL

Bliski Wschód zajmuje kluczowe miejsce w polityce zagranicznej USA. Jest to region realizacji amerykańskich interesów, rywalizacji z innymi aktorami areny międzynarodowej, podejmowania działań na rzecz uczynienia z państw arabskich client states, umacniania zależności z państwami regionu a także wykorzystywania przez USA siły militarnej jako środka realizacji polityki zagranicznej (wojny w Zatoce Perskiej, zaangażowanie USA w Libii i Syrii, wojna z ISIS). Istotą bliskowschodniej polityki USA stała się pewnego rodzaju sinusoidalna zmienność w sięganiu po instrumenty charakterystyczne dla polityki soft i hard wilsonianism. O ile bowiem politykę prezydenta Baracka Obamy wobec Bliskiego Wschodu cechowało odejście od The New Crusade i War on Terrorism charakterystycznych dla George’a W. Busha, o tyle Donald Trump prezentuje strategię (brak strategii?) bezkompromisowości zgodnie z przyjętym w kampanii wyborczej hasłem Make America Great Again i podejmuje działania na rzecz stworzenia American World Order również na Bliskim Wschodzie.

6

President Barack Obama’s Policy Choices in NATO Rhetoric

88%

Rzepecka M.

Political Preferences

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2019

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nr 25

21-36

EN

This article uses Michael C. McGee’s concept of the ideograph to reflect Obama’s early foreign policy course regarding transatlantic relations. Specifically, the article draws on the ideograph “alliance” to demonstrate how the president redefined agents, acts, agencies, scenes, and purposes that fall within the rhetoric, thus informing how and why he changed US commitment to NATO. Analyzing Obama’s use of alliance serves to interpret his political choices as well as understand his ability to get the public to support them. By extension, a study of this nature offers a reading of the president’s perspective on US foreign policy and America’s global role.

7

Barack Obama – the new charismatic political actor - a discourse analysis

88%

Țîrlea A.-M.

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tom 7

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nr 2

247-261

EN

The American president, Barack Obama, is considered to be one of the most charismatic figures of the 21st century. His speeches are the best asset through which he emphasizes this quality. Although, he hasn’t always been considered to be a successful politician, he made his entrance on the political arena in 2004, when he delivered one of his best speeches. The aim of this paper is to reveal the most important elements of a political discourse that can contribute to creating a good image of a political actor. Using the critical discourse analysis method, we are trying to see if there is a connection between a good, coherent discourse strategy and the charisma of the American leader. The sample will include his 2004 speech, delivered at the Democrats’ Convention, the speech that put him in the eyes of the media as a future American leader

8

Barack Obama – fenomen przywództwa

88%

Łazarczyk M.

Polonia Journal

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2022

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nr 15

163-184

EN

In the article the phenomenon of Barack’ s Obama leadership was presented, taking into account the whole period of his presidency on the basis of power of character etc. Not only was the 44 president of the United States of America a charismatic leader, but also he has passed the test for the leadership, which was presented in hereby article on the basis of historical method.

9

„Chodzący po wodzie”. Barack Obama w ujęciu kenijskich karykaturzystów

88%

Piotrowska M.

Afryka

|

2016

|

nr 44

66-84

EN

Political caricature has become a significant cultural text allowing us to deeply understand social emotions connected to the current, significant events. In this article, analyzing Kenyan political satire, I try to define Kenyans’ approach to Barack Obama at the time of his presidency, as well as presenting US and Kenya’s relations during that period. In this article my attempt is to show that Kenyan political caricature is a tool that allows the author to share emotions, judgments and opinions addressed to different social groups. Its main goal is to quickly react to the political events and to comment on them. Due to its simplicity, political caricature has an extensive audience.

10

USA-Rosja w XXI wieku. Wielka gra o strefy wpływów

75%

Klatka-Urbaniak K.

|

2012

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nr 4(345)

77-97

EN

The author of the article discusses selected issues of American-Russian relations in the first decade of the 21st century, which was marked by reevaluation and changes in the position of both the USA and Russia. During this period the assumptions of the policies of both states engaged them in a tactic game for spheres of influence. American unilateralism led to a gradual degradation of the USA’s position in the world. The circumstances accompanying the assumption of presidency by Barack Obama were determined by the need to abandon unilateralism and focus on a conciliatory solution of problems, which in turn resulted in self-imposed limitation of the USA’s role in the world. On the other hand, following the rise of Vladimir Putin to power, Russia launched a consistent strategy of resuming the status of a global power. Therefore, in the period under discussion the two countries started competing for spheres of influence. The latter phenomenon is analyzed with reference to the major areas of overlapping interests, i.e. to the territory of the former sphere of influence of the USSR and to the region of the Near East, especially Iran, which is one of the vital regions of American strategy.

11

Kryzys w relacjach amerykańsko-izraelskich. Bilans pierwszej kadencji Baracka Obamy

75%

Kiwerska J.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2013

|

nr 4(349)

183-199

EN

The United States traditionally played a crucial role in the Near East, mainly as a catalyst of progress in the peace process. Therefore the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was one of the most pressing problems faced by the administration of Barack Obama. Initially it seemed that the President of the USA, who announced “his own way” of solving the conflict, would prove to be more efficient and reliable than e.g. his predecessor in the White House. The starting point was to be an improvement of the USA’s relations with the Muslim world, among others due to America’s stronger support of Palestinian postulates. However, Obama’s tactic turned out to be ineffective; instead of restoring America’s position and improving its image in the Near East, it resulted in a loss of confidence in Obama by both parties to the conflict. The most conspicuous effect of his endeavors was a crisis in American-Israeli relations and lack of progress in the Near East peace process.

12

Radical Religion and the 2008 Presidential Election: Why “God Talk” Declined

71%

Wilcox C.

Kultura i Polityka

|

2009

|

nr 6

33-45

EN

In recent years, American elections have attracted worldwide attention for the salience of "God talk" by candidates. In 2008, however, there was markedly less God talk. In this paper I discuss why American campaigns use religious language and why the 2008 campaign reversed recent trends. I speculate about the future of "God talk" in American elections.

PL

W ostatnich latach, wybory amerykańskie przyciągnęły uwagę całego świata ze względu na wybitną rolę retoryki religijnej w wypowiedziach kandydatów na prezydenta. W 2008 roku było w ich wystąpieniach znacznie mniej mowy o Bogu i religii. Artykuł ten jest analizą przyczyn stosowania retoryki religijnej w kampaniach wyborczych oraz próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie, dlaczego zauważa się znacznie rzadsze użycie języka religijnego podczas ostatnich kampanii. Poruszona w nim będzie także kwestia przyszłości retoryki religijnej w wyborach amerykańskich.

13

Prezydenci USA – laureaci Pokojowej Nagrody Nobla

71%

Pastusiak L.

Zeszyty Naukowe Uczelni Vistula

|

2016

|

nr 48(3) Stosunki Międzynarodowe

127-148

PL

Stany Zjednoczenie są jedynym krajem na świecie, który ma aż czterech prezydentów laureatów Pokojowej Nagrody Nobla: Theodore’a Roosevelta (1901-1909), Woodrowa Wilsona (1913-1921), Jimmy’ego Cartera (1977-1981) i Baracka Obamę (2009-). Trzej pierwsi prezydenci otrzymali to zaszczytne wyróżnienie za konkretne osiągnięcia: T. Roosevelt za mediacje w wojnie rosyjsko-japońskiej, W. Wilson za Ligę Narodów jako główny architekt pokoju po krwawej I wojnie światowej, J. Carter za swoje wysiłki na rzecz pokojowego rozwiązywania konfliktów międzynarodowych, za popieranie demokracji i praw człowieka. Barack Obama natomiast otrzymał Pokojową Nagrodę Nobla, zaledwie po kilku miesiącach sprawowania urzędu prezydenta, za dobre intencje jak przyznaje Komitet Noblowski, za stworzenie klimatu, który służy współpracy międzynarodowej.

EN

The United States is the only country across the world, which has as many as four presidents Nobel Peace Prize laureates: Theodore Roosevelt (1901-1909), Woodrow Wilson (1913-1921), Jimmy Carter (1977-1981), and Barack Obama (2009- ). The three first presidents received this prestigious award for specific achievements: T. Roosevelt for mediations in the Russo-Japanese War; W. Wilson for the foundation of League of Nations as the main architect of peace after the bloody First World War; J. Carter for his efforts for peaceful resolution of international conflicts, for supporting democracy and human rights. On the other hand, Barack Obama received the Nobel Peace Prize, after a several months in office as President, for good intents – as the Nobel Committee has admitted, for creating the climate which serves international cooperation.

14

The Belt and Road Initiative jako wyzwanie dla amerykańskich interesów w regionie Azji i Pacyfiku

63%

Tomaszewska P. , Tomaszewska S.

Nowa Polityka Wschodnia

|

2019

|

tom 4(23)

82-107

RU

Азиатско-Тихоокеанский регион занимает ключевое место в международной стратегии США. Недаром Джордж Буш говорил о «Тихоокеанском веке», Барак Обама объявил о стратегическом «повороте в Азию», а Дональд Трамп отправился в 12-дневное путешествие по Восточной Азии. В частности, с ростом силы Китайской Народной Республики, ее значение приобрело совершенно новое измерение. В настоящее время США и КНР проводят сложную игру на «большой азиатско-тихоокеанской шахматной доске». Китай стремится стать равноправным партнёром для экономически и политически ослабленных Соединенных Штатов. Настойчиво и ненавязчиво, прежде всего с использованием дипломатических и экономических инструментов, он укрепляют свои международные позиции. Одним из проявлений расширения китайского влияния в мире является растущая и постоянная приверженность продвижению инициативы «Пояс и путь», которая стала важнейшим символом политических амбиций президента Си Цзиньпина. Данная статья является попыткой междисциплинарных размышлений об изменении позиции Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона во внешней политике и стратегии безопасности США, а также о последствиях продвигаемой инициативы «Пояс и путь» для американских интересов. Основная цель исследования - представить, сравнить и объяснить позицию администрации президента Барака Обамы и президента Дональда Трампа в отношении китайской концепции «Пояса и пути», основанной на принятых ими стратегических документах, выступлениях и текущем дискурсе СМИ. Авторы рассмотрят, как Соединенные Штаты отреагировали на объявление президентом КНР инициативы «Пояс и путь» в 2013 году? Почему и в какой степени США противодействуют китайской концепции Инициатива «Пояс и путь»?

EN

The Asia-Pacific region occupies a key place in the international strategy of the United States. It was not without a reason that George W. Bush spoke about the “Pacific Century”, Barack H. Obama announced a strategic “pivot to Asia”, while Donald Trump went on a 12-day journey through East Asia. In particular, as the power of the People’s Republic of China increased, its importance gained a whole new dimension. At present, the USA and the PRC are conducting a sophisticated game on the “big Asia and Pacific chessboard”. China aspires to be an equal partner for economically and politically weakened United States. Assertively and unobtrusively, primarily with the use of diplomatic and economic instruments, China strengthens its international position. One of the manifestations of the expansion of Chinese influence in the world is growing and constant commitment to promoting the Belt and Road Initiative, which has become the most important symbol of the political ambition of President Xi Jinping. The article entitled “The Belt and Road Initiative as a challenge for American interests in the Asia-Pacific region” is an attempt at interdisciplinary consideration about the changing position of the Asia-Pacific region in foreign policy and US security strategy, as well as the consequences of the promoted BRI initiative for American interests. The basic research goal is to present, compare and explain the position of the administration of President Barack Obama and President Donald Trump against the Chinese concept of Belt and Road based on their adopted strategic documents, speeches and ongoing media discourse. The authors will consider how the United States reacted to the announcement by the President of the PRC of the Belt and Road initiative in 2013? Why and to what extent do the US counteract the Chinese concept of BRI?

15

Polityka zagraniczna nowej administracji USA : próba prognozy strategicznej

62%

Otłowski T.

Wiedza Obronna

|

2009

|

tom nr 2

5--17

16

A New Alliance against the US? Sino-Russian Relations in Response to Trump’s Redefined Foreign Policy Priorities

51%

Ciborek P.

International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal

|

2019

|

tom 23

|

nr 1

149-159

EN

The current state of bilateral relations between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China is described by many international relations experts as the best in history. After taking the president office by Donald Trump, the bilateral relations between America and abovementioned powers are cooling down. Current foreign policy of the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation focuses on holding a common position in the international political arena, which is in fact an attempt to counterweight political influence of the US administration and their allies. The dimension of the strategic partnership between China and Russia is also determining the mutual economic dependence, which is now crucial for both powers to build a strong position on the international forum. In addition, Russia is one of the crucial partners for the Chinese-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – by many recognized as the Chinese attempt to break the American economic domination. The collisional course of the American foreign policy towards Russia and China forces the latter to look for Central and Eastern European allies as well as to gain influence in the region of Central Asia which is leading to a constant increase in tensions between China and Russia.

17

Do the Celebrity Politics Really Matter for Hispanic Voters Today? The Comparison of Barack Obama’s and Donald Trump’s Presidential Campaigns

44%

Tomaszewski N.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

|

2018

|

tom 59

158-177

PL

Latynoamerykanie przez zwiększanie swojej liczebności mają coraz większy wpływ na wyniki wyborów w Stanach Zjednoczonych. Artykuł pokazuje, w jaki sposób Barack Obama wykorzystał poparcie celebrytów latynoskiego pochodzenia, by zdobyć głosy tej grupy społecznej. Jednocześnie rezultat badania porównano z kampanią Donalda Trumpa z 2016 roku, będącego w zupełnie innej sytuacji. Czy Hollywood faktycznie jest w stanie wpłynąć na wynik wyborów przez manipulację zachowaniem wyborczym wybranych grup etnicznych? Czy taki sposób prowadzenia kampanii wyborczej to jedyna droga dla Partii Demokratycznej w XXI wieku? Na te oraz wiele innych pytań autor stara się odpowiedzieć, opierając się na teoriach marketingowych.

EN

The fast-growing Latino community in the United States became one of the most influential voting groups of this decade. The article shows how President Obama used the endorsement of Hispanic celebrities through viral videos and fundraisers to win among this community, while acknowledging and comparing this case to Donald Trump’s presidential campaign in 2016, during which he could not count on the celebrities of Latin descent. The article tries to answer the question whether Hollywood can or cannot influence the ethnic voting groups and why this way of canvassing is only possible for the Democratic Party.