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1

WYBRANE REFERENDA NARODOWE O TEMATYCE EUROPEJSKIEJ W LATACH 1972 ‒ 2012, JAKO PRZYKŁAD GRANICY W POSZERZANIU INTEGRACJI EUROPEJSKIEJ

100%

Szeląg P.

Annales Scientia Politica

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2021

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tom 10

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nr 1

5 – 17

EN

The outcome of the British referendum of the 23th June 2016 was a beginning of Brexit. It was finalized latter on the 31st January 2020. Although, Brexit was a fundamental occurrence, it was not the only one that had an impact on the configuration of the European Union. The aim of the article is to analyse the selected national referenda, which were conducted in 1972-2012 and had an important impact on the extension of the European integration. Also, the article shows, to what extent decisions made by the citizens of particular states in ratification referenda contribute to changing the internal situation in these states and how a referendum in a specific country affects international relations.

2

FINANCIAL TRANSACTION TAX: THE BREXIT – AN OPPORTUNITY OR THREAT?

100%

Solilová V. , Nerudová D. , Litzman M.

Ekonomický časopis (Journal of Economics)

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2019

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tom 67

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nr 3

223 – 244

EN

The European Union faces the biggest change in her history – Brexit. The United Kingdom is leaving the EU and therefore its integrated capital market. Never before in the history of the EU has a member state left the club, therefore the reactions of the internal market, economies of the rest EU member states, and financial markets are unpredictable. Since 2012, the Coalition of the willing would like to implement the financial transaction tax (FTT) but currently they pause before the question of how the Brexit will change the potential FTT revenues of the Coalition of the willing. Based on the research we can conclude that the Brexit will have a negative or positive impact on the potential FTT revenues with dependence on a relocation of financial markets outside of United Kingdom. Moreover, the FTT can be considered as a sustainability-oriented tax-based own resources for a reform of the EU budget.

3

BREXIT – THE VISEGRAD COUNTRIES’ PERSPECTIVE

88%

Dováľová G. , Hošoff B. , Majzlíková E.

Ekonomický časopis (Journal of Economics)

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2019

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tom 67

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nr 10

1013 – 1034

EN

The article deals with the possible implications of Brexit for the V4 countries from the perspective of foreign trade and labour market. Analysing Brexit from the perspective of the V4 countries is essential due to the importance of the UK as the Visegrad countries trade partner. By analysing direct and indirect effects on value added and employment generated by exports to the UK using the multi-regional input-output model, we were able to identify the exposure to Brexit in the V4 countries in terms of value added and employment. Results suggest that the V4 countries belong to the group of countries with a medium risk, particularly in mechanical engineering, automotive industry and electrical engineering. The importance of the UK as a trade partner for the V4 countries has been rising steadily throughout the years and therefore it is important to keep these economic relations as close as possible.

4

METAFORICKÝ OBRAZ BREXITU V RUSKOM MEDIÁLNOM DISKURZE (NA PRÍKLADE METAFORY DIVADLA)

88%

Dulebová I. , Krajčovičová L.

Annales Scientia Politica

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2020

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tom 9

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nr 1

18 – 28

EN

This article deals with the theoretical basis of the research of the metaphorical projection of a specific discourse event in the media space on the example of the media discourse on Brexit in Russia. The authors emphasize the interdisciplinary nature of this type of research, which is carried out at the interface of political linguistics, media linguistics, cognitive linguistics, cultural linguistics and research on metaphors. Using the example of a theatre metaphor, they analyse the discourse strategies and language tactics of the authors of Russian media texts metaphorizing the internationally resonant political event of Brexit, as well as the functions

5

“Remarks on CANZUK”: Theoretical and methodological perspective of research on the post-Brexit Anglosphere

75%

Szczepański J.

Polish Journal of Political Science

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2020

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tom 6

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nr 3

7-22

EN

BREXIT, the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the EU structures has become a turning point in the process of formation of (as it seemed) permanent upranational blocs of economic cooperation. It was the first time that the European Union as a sui generis first in the world supranational organisation was so explicitly questioned as a value in itself. The redefinition of values that took place in the United Kingdom may be connected with a turn towards the part of the “Anglosphere” known as CANZUK. The research hypothesis for the studies announced in this article is that this ideological turnaround will lead to gradual regional integration. The article presents the theoretical and methodological framework for conducting the planned studies, outlines the currently available sources, and maps out the directions for detailed analyses within the singled out research areas. The planned research fits into the area of political and law studies. As regards the first field, analysed will be efforts aimed at consolidating cooperation, and in the future – postulated integration. The research will be carried out from the perspective of Karl Deutsch’s communication theory. The theory emphasises substantiveness of nation states and the need for social integration before political integration, which is also the fundamental assumption underlying the postulates of both the supporters of Brexit, as well as the persons and entities postulating the construction of the CANZUK bloc. With the use of this theoretical perspective it will be possible to complement the research with analyses in the area of contemporary political thought indicating the axiological foundations for the construction of a community in the Anglosphere. In the latter area, analysed will be certain acts of public international law, such as e.g. Trans-Tasman Travel Arrangement. That act may be treated as a model solution as regards constructing an alternative mechanism for the freedom of movement of persons.

6

The Constitutional Case for Making the Article 50 TEU Notification

75%

O'Neill R.

Studia Iuridica

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2016

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tom 68

249-262

EN

In a referendum held on June 23, 2016, the United Kingdom voted in favour of leaving the European Union. For the first time since its creation in the Lisbon Reform Treaty of 2009, art. 50 TEU will probably now be invoked by the UK for the withdrawal process from the EU, envisaged by the outcome of the referendum, to commence. Article 50 TEU requires that national constitutional arrangements exist so that notification on withdrawal can be made to the European Council. Curiously, to date, the biggest consequence of the referendum outcome has not been the creation of a debate about the role of EU law in the UK legal order, but rather the separation of powers within the UK’s unwritten constitution and which organ of state has authority to activate the art. 50 TEU withdrawal: Parliament or the Executive. The debate has spawned dozens of constitutional blog posts, numerous academic articles, a High Court judicial review of the Government’s position, a second draft independence bill published by the Scottish Government and a judicial review before the Northern Irish Court of Appeal. On one side of the debate, the Government maintains that it alone possesses the Royal Prerogative to ratify and withdraw from international treaties, and thus to make the notification of withdrawal. On the other hand, Parliament and the ’Bremainers’ maintain that any unilateral action by the Government exceeds its authority, and Parliament must provide authorisation; a position which could ultimately result in the referendum outcome being ignored and the UK remaining a Member State. In a third corner, the governments of Scotland and Northern Ireland, two countries within the UK whose electorates voted to remain in the EU, demand a voice in both the decision to leave and in the subsequent negotiations with the EU institutions (note, however, that the status of the devolved administrations will not be addressed in this article, as the issue is considered by the author as being too unclear in the absence of any judicial statement on matters of devolution and institutional hierarchy, including but not limited to the limitations imposed on the doctrine of Parliamentary Sovereignty by the Sewel Convention). The judgment of the High Court has not yet been published, and even if it were there will inevitably be an appeal to the Supreme Court, so it is only possible to speculate on what will happen, but this article intends to provide clarity on the legal principles currently under discussion in the most important constitutional discussion to happen in the UK since it joined the EU in 1973.

7

IS THERE A REAL CHANCE TO ADOPT THE CCCTB WITHOUT UK PARTICIPATION IN THE EU?

75%

Nerudová D. , Solilová V. , Litzman M.

Ekonomický časopis (Journal of Economics)

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2021

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tom 69

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nr 6

582 – 603

EN

The European Commission re-launched its proposal on the Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base (CCCTB) in Europe in October 2016. The CCCTB aims to help ensure a fair and efficient corporate tax system in the European Union as a tool to fight tax evasion and tax fraud. Moreover, the CCCTB could be intended to be used as a new resource for the EU budget, as the EU budget requires reassessment after Brexit. Although the outcome of the Brexit process was uncertain for a long time, the UK left the EU on 31 January 2020. The objective of this paper is to research the impact of the introduction of the CCCTB on the EU’s economic environment in the post-Brexit period. The research reveals that the overall tax base under the CCCTB in the post-Brexit period would decline by 5.34% in comparison with the current tax base. Through a dynamic approach, we find that the CCCTB could increase the tax base by between 3.33% and 22.42%, depending on the behavioural effects induced by the implementation of the proposal.

8

The Constitutional Case for Making the Article 50 TEU Notification

75%

O'Neill R.

Studia Iuridica

|

2016

|

tom 68

249-262

EN

In a referendum held on June 23, 2016, the United Kingdom voted in favour of leaving the European Union. For the first time since its creation in the Lisbon Reform Treaty of 2009, art. 50 TEU will probably now be invoked by the UK for the withdrawal process from the EU, envisaged by the outcome of the referendum, to commence. Article 50 TEU requires that national constitutional arrangements exist so that notification on withdrawal can be made to the European Council. Curiously, to date, the biggest consequence of the referendum outcome has not been the creation of a debate about the role of EU law in the UK legal order, but rather the separation of powers within the UK’s unwritten constitution and which organ of state has authority to activate the art. 50 TEU withdrawal: Parliament or the Executive. The debate has spawned dozens of constitutional blog posts, numerous academic articles, a High Court judicial review of the Government’s position, a second draft independence bill published by the Scottish Government and a judicial review before the Northern Irish Court of Appeal. On one side of the debate, the Government maintains that it alone possesses the Royal Prerogative to ratify and withdraw from international treaties, and thus to make the notification of withdrawal. On the other hand, Parliament and the ’Bremainers’ maintain that any unilateral action by the Government exceeds its authority, and Parliament must provide authorisation; a position which could ultimately result in the referendum outcome being ignored and the UK remaining a Member State. In a third corner, the governments of Scotland and Northern Ireland, two countries within the UK whose electorates voted to remain in the EU, demand a voice in both the decision to leave and in the subsequent negotiations with the EU institutions (note, however, that the status of the devolved administrations will not be addressed in this article, as the issue is considered by the author as being too unclear in the absence of any judicial statement on matters of devolution and institutional hierarchy, including but not limited to the limitations imposed on the doctrine of Parliamentary Sovereignty by the Sewel Convention). The judgment of the High Court has not yet been published, and even if it were there will inevitably be an appeal to the Supreme Court, so it is only possible to speculate on what will happen, but this article intends to provide clarity on the legal principles currently under discussion in the most important constitutional discussion to happen in the UK since it joined the EU in 1973.

9

THE IMPACT OF BREXIT ON THE MIGRANT STRATEGIES OF SLOVAKS IN THE UK

75%

Pecníková J. , Strnádová P.

Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied

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2022

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tom 25

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nr 4

-

EN

The main objective of the research presented in this paper was to examine the social, economic, legal and political consequences of Brexit and its impact on the migrant strategies of the Slovaks living in the UK. We used qualitative-research methods in the form of 30 in-depth semi-structured interviews online after the Covid-19 pandemic forced the original plan of interviewing the participants face-to-face to be abandoned. The approach used in the interviews was biographical, addressing the migrants´ personal history (in respect to migration), present (in respect to Brexit) and future (in respect to both Brexit and migration). A qualitative analysis of the collected data showing that Brexit did not alter the migration strategies of those 30 Slovak research participants, especially those from the post-EU-admission migration wave. They did not intend to go back to Slovakia and did not perceive any immediate negative impact of Brexit on their lives. However, the focus of this paper is on those who emigrated before 2004 and can see the UK, their own lives and consequences of major political decisions in a broader perspective.

10

Further Considerations on ‘Brexit

71%

Firlus J. G. , Fox N.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

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2017

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nr 1 (35)

55-69

EN

On June 23rd, 2016, the United Kingdom (UK) held an EU-Referendum which resulted in a vote in favor of withdrawing from the European Union (EU). However, in a post-ref-erendum reality, several constitutional issues have become apparent. On one hand, it is not certain whether the Prime Minister, under the royal prerogatives, can trigger Art. 50 of the EU Treaty. On the other hand, the scope of Westminster’s approval must still be determined. It is believed that the judiciary will end up in a constitutional crisis, es-pecially the Supreme Court. At the very least, the suspension of ‘Brexit’ procedures is causing uncertainty on both sides i.e. UK and EU. This paper will pose some of the es-sential questions being discussed on the eve of the Supreme Court’s decision over ‘Brex-it’ in December of 2016/January of 2017.

PL

W referendum przeprowadzonym 23 czerwca 2016 r. Brytyjczycy opowiedzieli się za opuszczeniem instytucjonalnych struktur Unii Europejskiej. Jakkolwiek w nieodległym czasie okazało się, że podjęta decyzja skutkować będzie szeregiem wątpliwości o konstytu-cyjnej proweniencji. Z jednej strony, zastrzeżenia związane są z zakresem kompetenc-ji premiera. Spór prawny odnosi się do oceny dopuszczalności samodzielnej notyfikacji instytucjom europejskim zamiaru wyjścia z UE (art. 50 Traktatu o Unii Europejskiej). Z drugiej strony, ewentualny zakres zgody parlamentu nie jest jasny i wymaga dalszej analizy. Stąd też nieocenioną rolę w tonizowaniu sporu kompetencyjno-konstytucyjnego w Zjednoczonym Królestwie przypisać należy sądownictwu. Dalsze wstrzymanie proce-dury opuszczenia UE jest, bowiem niekorzystne tak dla Zjednoczonego Królestwa, jak również dla UE. Stąd też w niniejszym artykule dokonano przeglądu pytań i wątpliwoś-ci, które wymagają uwagi w przededniu wyroku Sądu Najwyższego w sprawie Brexitu