Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Die Handelsbeziehungen der Habsburger Monarchie mit Japan vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg

100%

Skřivan A.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2012

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tom 2

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nr 2

49–58

EN

Author analyses in this study the character and the development of trade between Austria-Hungary and Japan before First World War. He pays attention to the beginning of mutual trade, to the trade conditions in Japan, to the development of maritime transportation to the Far East and to Japan’s the striving for revision of unequal treaties. The final part of the study summarizes the findings about the proper development of the trade.

2

Pomoc materialna społeczności Galicji Zachodniej Legionom w 1914 roku

100%

Cisek M.

Sowiniec

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2014

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nr 45

51-91

EN

Based on the source query conducted by thee team of the Supreme National Committee at the National Archives in Kraków, this paper discusses the organization and fi nancing aid for shooting troops and Polish Legions from the society of Western Galicia in 1914. Particular attention was paid to the organization of the aid and the sources of fundraising for the Legions in Kraków and counties and municipalities in Western Galicia.

3

Kardinální problém Rakousko-Uherska za Velké války 1914–1918: Lidský potenciál na frontě a v zázemí

100%

Jindra Z.

Historická sociologie (Historical Sociology)

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2014

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tom 2

93-113

EN

According to the 1867 constitution the Habsburg Monarchy’s armed forces consisted of the common army, the navy, the Austrian Landwehr and the Landsturm. The armed forces had authority over three ministries and were themselves subject to the rule of three parliamentary institutions. From the beginning the growth of the armed forces had not kept pace with that of the population as a whole. There was a low volume of conscripts and poor training of reservists. This resulted in a relatively small army both in peace time and during war and meant that by the spring of 1918 Austria-Hungary had practically exhausted its available human resources. This was exacerbated by the high number of losses, both through death and capture. On the battlefield the number of deaths is thought to have been between 905,000 and 1,200,000 with 1.8 million injured. At the same time the number of deaths and illness in the hinterland increased while the rate of fertility dropped. In order to resolve this the government applied a number of measures: the upper age limit of conscription increased, the necessary standards for recruitment were lowered, training period was shortened, more use of weapons, factory workers were replaced with women, prisoners of war and workers from the occupied territories. However at this time the importance of the “war economy” was also growing which resulted in an increase in firms requesting the release of their employees from military service. In 1918 the Habsburg Monarchy had not only exhausted its human resources but was also on the brink of economic collapse.

4

Iluze nezávislosti. Sociální status c. k. soudce v konfliktu loajalit mezi národem a státem na přelomu 19. a 20. století

88%

Klečanský M.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2014

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tom 112

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nr 3

432-462

EN

This study focuses upon the role of a judge in the Cisleithian part of the Habsburg Monarchy. The judge as a formally independent and impartial representative of one of the three branches of state power was fully dependent on the executive branch decision-making in terms of his material and social standing. Efforts to improve their status led the judges to co-operate with the political representation, resulting in the ever increasing interference of political parties in the sphere of judicial administration.

5

Leopold Graf Berchtold – Grandseigneur und Staatsmann oder der Urheber des Weltkrieges? Zur Außenpolitik der Habsburgermonarchie der letzten Jahre vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg

88%

Skřivan A.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2013

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tom 3

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nr 1

116-124

EN

Autor dedicated this study to the personality of Count Leopold Berchtold, who served as Foreign Minister of Austria-Hungary in last years before the outbreak of First World War. Author presents Berchtolds diplomatic career, analyzes the circumstances of his nomination as Foreign Minister and primarily pays the attention to the Berchtolds role in the last years before First World War and especially during the July Crisis 1914.

6

Formování židovské šlechty ve středoevropské perspektivě

88%

Županič J.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2014

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tom 112

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nr 1

40-59

EN

The aim of this study is to outline the summary development of Jewish nobility (persons of the Jewish faith or origin) in the Hapsburg Monarchy, yet focusing primarily upon contemporary specifics in terms of their nobilitations. It summarizes the development of awarding aristocratic titles to these persons and attempts to characterize the main milestones of nobilitations and compares the nobilitation policy of the rulers of the Danube Monarchy and the Kingdom of Prussia towards individuals of the Jewish faith and origin.

7

Volební násilí a státní moc. Obecní volby v Českých Budějovicích 1901–1906

88%

Klečacký M.

Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)

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2014

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tom 6

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nr 1

82-105

EN

This study focuses on electoral manipulation as exemplified by the municipal elections in České Budějovice. The spotlight is not just on the electoral campaign itself, but also on the reaction of the state authorities to attempts made by the ruling party to influence the number of voters in various ways in order to take control of the town in subsequent electoral periods.

8

Česká strana státoprávně pokroková v předvečer první světové války na jaře 1914

75%

Tomeš J.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2014

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tom 22

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nr 1

35-64

EN

The political activities of the Czech Progressive Constitutional Party, largely differing from the major part of the Czech political arena, in the last months before the outbreak of World War I are explained. A description of the Party’s general profile, which continued the tradition of Czech progressionist movement of the 1890s and constituted a specific platform of modern Czech nationalism, is followed by the Party’s foreign political ideas expecting a global Paneuropean military conflict in the near future and relying on it as a way to solve the Czech question, i.e., to restore an independent Czech state based on the Czech historical constitutional right. The author follows and assesses the foreign political activities of the Czech Progressive Constitutional Party in spring 1914 and shows that it was the only party in the Czech political arena that was systematically preparing to the outbreak of a European war and linking the international solution to the Czech question to the Entente Powers, and thus anticipated the ways of anti-Austrian resistance movement during the war.

9

The Young Turk Revolution and Austria-Hungary

75%

Kodet R.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2012

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tom 2

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nr 2

41–48

EN

The Young Turk revolution changed considerably the position of the Great Powers in Istanbul. The unexpected turmoil in the Ottoman Empire caused considerable anxiety in the European capitals – especially in Vienna. From the point of view of Austria-Hungary it imperiled the occupation of the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the Habsburg government. The change of the regime therefore compelled the foreign minister Alois Lexa von Aehrenthal to turn away from the traditional policy of maintaining status quo on the Balkans. However the Austro-Hungarian statesman viewed this situation as an opportunity to a rapprochement with Russia. At the end of summer 1908 he therefore started negotiations with his Russian counterpart Alexander Izvolsky concerning the status of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

10

Národnostní statistika českých zemí 1880‒1921 – faktory, výsledky a problém jejich interpretace

75%

Kladiwa P.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2015

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tom 23

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nr 2

61-82

EN

Comparing the results of the censuses of the language of daily use in the Bohemian lands before the First World War, and nationality censuses after the First World War, has been a subject of scientific and journalistic interest for almost a century. Until now, Czech historians have considered the results of Cisleithanian censuses to be imprecise and underestimated the Czech language use, while considering the results of nationality censuses in 1921 and 1930 to be exact. This study proves that such judgments are too simplistic, since even subsequent to 1918 state policy significantly affected census results, and furthermore there was a part of the population which could not clearly be fitted into one particular nationality or one language. The study analyses the factors which contributed to the increase in Czech nationality and decline in German and Polish nationality subsequent to 1918. It compares the weight of various factors on a countrywide scale, and also on the scale of different regions and locations.

11

The Bosnian Crisis on the Pages of the Czech Press

75%

Kokaislová L.

West Bohemian Historical Review

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2013

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tom 3

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nr 2

65-95

EN

The Bosnian Annexation Crisis was a major diplomatic event of the years 1908 and 1909. The decision of Austria-Hungary to annect the occupied provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina changed a status quo in the Eastern Question. While the crisis threatened the peace in Europe, the press and the European public opinion considerably followed it. The Czech lands were no exeptions – on the contrary the main periodicals brought regular news about the development in this question. They also commented the policy of Vienna government and of the other Great Powers and the Balkan states.

12

Česká státoprávně pokroková strana za první světové války

75%

Tomeš J.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2015

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tom 23

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nr 1

41-88

EN

Almost all contemporaries were taken unawares by the First World War, including members of the Czech Constitutional Progressive Party which had been expecting a war for a number of years and had linked it to a deciding moment in the history of the struggle for Czech national liberation. And yet suddenly from one day to the next they found themselves face to face with the new war situation, manifesting itself as a de facto military and police dictatorship and previously unknown censorship. In the spirit of its political traditions, the party was involved in organising domestic and international resistance and was a principal adversary to ‘Pro-Austrian’ activism. In February 1918, it merged with other Czech civic parties striving for an independent Czech state to form the Czech Constitutional Democratic Party. Constitutional Progressive politicians and journalists played a key part in the final, but decisive, phase of the national liberation struggle – both within the new party and independently. Amidst the general euphoria of the first few weeks after the revolution, it appeared that the mission of the Constitutional Progressive Party had come to a definitive close, but the party’s ideas left an inheritance which was still to be updated in subsequent years in the struggle for the form and nature of the Republic.

13

Rakúsko-uhorské vyrovnanie a jeho ústavné zakotvenie v zákonnom článku XII/1867

75%

Laclavíková M. , Švecová A.

Právník. Teoretický časopis pro otázky státu a práva (The Lawyer - Scientific Review for Problems of State and Law)

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2017

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tom 156

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nr 12

1153-1171

EN

The study presents the primary view on the Austro-Hungarian Compromise, i.e. the constitutional, social and political background of the Compromise, within the Hungarian part of the dual monarchy. It highlights the essential constitutional bases which played an important role in the development of state and law during the dual monarchy and after its dissolution for the successor states. The attention is drawn mainly to the constitutional basis-the Law no. XII/1867, and its significance for the birth of Hungarian constitutionalism. The Law no. XII/1867 can be seen as a parallel to the December Constitution and both can be seen as fundaments of Czech and Slovak constitutional history, as well as fundaments of constitutional history of some other nations of the dual-monarchy.

SK

Štúdia predstaví primárnu rovinu pohľadu na vyrovnanie – charakteristiku ústavného a spoločensko- politického základu v historickoprávnom a teritoriálnom rámci uhorskej časti dualistickej monarchie. Akcentuje základné ústavnoprávne východiská, ktoré zohrali v nasledujúcom štátnom a právnomvývoji za dualizmu (aj pre vývoj nástupníckych štátov bývalého Uhorska) mimoriadne dôležitú úlohu. Štúdia približuje predovšetkým ústavný základ vyrovnania v podobe zákonného čl. XII/1867 a jeho význam v ústavnej praxi počiatkov uhorského konštitucionalizmu. Zákonný čl. XII/1867 možno chápať v pozícii pendanta k predlitavskej Decembrovej ústave, pričom oba dokumenty založili podstatné kontúry českej a slovenskej (ale aj iných národov rakúsko-uhorskej monarchie) spoločnej ústavnoprávnej dualistickej minulosti.

14

Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire since the End of the Bosnian Annexation Crisis till the Italo-Turkish War

75%

Kodet R.

Central European Papers

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2013

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tom 1

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nr 2

29-38

EN

After the end of the Bosnian annexation crisis Austria-Hungary was able to improve its position in the Ottoman Empire. This was enabled not only due to successful negotiations with the Porte which enabled the solution of the crisis, but also by the cautious policy of Vienna during the coup of 13th April in Istanbul. During the second half of 1909 Austria-Hungary was able to considerably improve its relations with the Ottoman Empire. Although Vienna was able to profit from this fact in some cases as a whole the favourable situation was not utilized to improve the stance of the Habsburg monarchy on the Balkans. Since the second half of 1910 the relations of both states were disturbed by the repeated revolts in Albania. The effort of Austria-Hungary to force the Porte to reach some sort of deal with the Albanians was in vain. Moreover in the second half of 1911 the mutual relations of both states were considerably worsened and complicated by the outbreak of the Italo-Ottoman hostilities.

15

Etnická klasifikace a institucionální zakotvení národnosti v českých zemích 1880–1914

75%

Kladiwa P.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2014

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tom 22

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nr 1

7-33

EN

The ethnic (nationalist) classification and institutional position of nationalities in Cisleithania strongly reflected also the state’s interest. The state authorities had to take into consideration, in particular, the trends of social and politicaldevelopment, such as the rising significance of national identity and theinterconnection of national and civil rights. It should be noted here that in Cisleithania most of the populations of different nationality enjoyed favorable conditions to develop their national life. The main motive of the Taaffe Government’s decision to include the questionable category of communication language instead of the mother tongue or family language in the 1880 census consisted in the legal possibility of assimilation, i.e., preventing a nationality closure and, last but not least, protecting the integrity of the state. The whole period of 1880-1914 demonstrated the significance of independent judicial power. The Administrative Court and the Imperial Court of Cisleithania played an important role in establishing the nationalist principle in public life where the nationalist and the civil principles intertwined.

16

Politika a každodennost v paměti šlechtičny. Reflexe „světem otřásajících událostí“ v egodokumentech Marie Theresie Kálnoky

63%

Jelínková D.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2014

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tom 22

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nr 1

257-297

EN

To understand the inner life and motivation of nobility members personal documents written by the nobles, such as their correspondence or diaries available in Czech archives, are of utmost importance. Irrespective of their unquestionable contribution to the research into the 20th century history of nobility such sources have been almost fully neglected by researchers in spite of the fact that Czech historiography had recognized the noble’s personal diary as an important source of historical information as early as the 1990s. Ego documents from the Kálnoky Family Archive largely extend our knowledge of how the nobility viewed the revolutionary events following the disintegration of Austria-Hungary and help us understand the motivation of their attitudes and behavior patterns in the first half of the 20th century.

17

Pamäť šľachty na Slovensku vo vzťahu k totalitným režimom 20. storočia na príklade rodu Csáky

63%

Holec R.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2014

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tom 22

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nr 1

241-256

EN

Aristocratism and nobility were foreign elements in Slovakia. Unlike Moravia and Bohemia the nobles in Slovakia were of non-Slovakian origin and they either professed cosmopolitan principles, with the language constituting no identityforming factor, or they belonged to the German or – primarily – Hungarian ethnicity. The disintegration of Hungary and the creation of Czechoslovakia was a shock to the members of nobility from which they actually did not recover. They either joined the irredentist movement, or emigrated, mostly to Hungary, where aristocratism constituted a natural part of social life. Both groups followed a common goal as irredentism was the most promising way to get back their unsafe or lost property in Slovakia´s territory. All members of the Csáky family followed in the study closed their life story abroad. Confrontation with the totalitarian regime, mainly the Communist one, not only bereaved them of their property, but they were criminalized and plunged into permanent poverty. Their human dignity was often trampled, but they did not give up the values that their family had defended for centuries. The Csákys have remained engraved in historical mem

18

Benešův prezidentský protikandidát. Politický profil profesora Bohumila Němce (1873‒1966)

63%

Tomeš J.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2016

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tom 24

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nr 2

161-182

EN

Christian Socialists played an important role in the interwar Austrian party system. Their ambivalent approach to parliamentary democracy corresponds to an estranged political culture. The party demanded the implementation of corporate elements within the political system. Repeated failures to create a government coalition with a stable majority in the National Council, fears of a loss of power to the rapidly rising Nazis and the consequences of the Great Economic Crisis strengthened thoughts within the Christian Socialists of extra-parliamentary government. In spring 1933, authoritative party representatives took advantage of exceptional events in the National Council to accede to the gradual elimination of parliamentary democracy. The passive position of the opposition and the de facto lack of interest of the Austrian public helped in the implementation of these authoritative changes.

19

„Trochę za późno i za mało ale coś jest”. Polacy w Galicji wobec Aktu 5 listopada 1916 r.

63%

Szymczak D.

Historia Slavorum Occidentis

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2017

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nr 2 (13)

85-101

EN

During the outbreak of WWI, a majority of Poles in Galicia were in favour of the Austria-Poland solution. They hoped that once the Kingdom of Poland was taken away from Russia, Franz Joseph I would become the king of Poland. As a result, a new and powerful state would emerge: Austria-Hungary-Poland. In order to pursue this idea, Poles established the Supreme National Committee and the Polish Legions, a military force. Austria’s military defeats and general weakness of the monarchy put an end to these plans as the politicians in Vienna failed to be equally willing to pursue the solution. The initiative regarding the Polish cause was taken over by Germans and the Act of 5th November was proclaimed. This indicated that the reconstruction of the Polish state would be modelled by the Reich rather than the Habsburg monarchy. On the one hand, the proclamation of the Act of 5th November was welcomed in Galicia: it was the first document taking the Polish cause to the international arena. On the other hand, the end of the Austria-Poland idea led to resentment. Poles in Galicia were afraid that they would be left outside the new Polish state.

20

Předlitavské kořeny jednacích řádů českého a rakouského parlamentu

63%

Wintr J.

Právník. Teoretický časopis pro otázky státu a práva (The Lawyer - Scientific Review for Problems of State and Law)

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2017

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tom 156

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nr 12

1085-1096

EN

The paper deals with continuity and discontinuity amongst sets of rules of procedure of the former Austrian Imperial Council on the one hand and of the republican Czechoslovak, Czech and Austrian Parliaments on the other. Although Czech parliamentary law has, to a certain degree, been distorted by the communist era, a clear degree of continuity is demonstrated between the Czech Chamber of Deputies and the Austrian National Council and their procedural rules (especially in contrast to the German Bundestag). Thus, the Austrian rules of procedure can, in contrast to the rules of Bundestag, be a more suitable inspiration for a possible procedural reform in the Czech Chamber of Deputies. The common constitutional tradition of the two countries, especially in the peaceful years between 1867 and 1914, definitely remains relevant.

CS

Článek se zabývá kontinuitou a diskontinuitou mezi jednacími řády rakouské říšské rady a pozdějšími jednacími řády republikánských parlamentů československých, českých a rakouských. Ukazuje zřetelnou míru kontinuity, a tudíž i podobnosti mezi pravidly jednání české Poslanecké sněmovny a rakouské Národní rady (zejména v porovnání s německým Spolkovým sněmem), byť české parlamentní právo bylo více zasaženo komunistickou érou. Rakouský jednací řád tak může být vhodnější inspirací pro reformu jednacího řádu české Poslanecké sněmovny než jednací řád německý. Společná ústavněprávní tradice, zejména v mírových letech 1867–1914, tak rozhodně není bez významu.