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1

Ze Slovníku středověké latiny: spongius a rugana

100%

Šedinová H.

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nr 3-4

317-325

EN

The main aim of this article is to identify the origin and meaning of two Latin zoological terms in the works of Thomas of Cantimpré and Czech medieval lexicographer Bartholomaeus de Solencia dictus Claretus, especially of the word rugana that have remained obscure until present days. Both works employ names of animals that are extremely difficult to interpret either semantically or linguistically and whose Greek or Latin origin is not immediately clear. Most of them are attached to animals the description of which Thomas claims to be derived from Aristotle. Aristotle’s term σπόγγος, denoting different varieties of sponges, which are found throughout the Mediterranean Sea, reached the Middle Ages not only through Pliny the Elder and classical Latin name spongia, but also via translations of Aristotle into Arabic and then into Latin. Thomas used the Latin version of the Aristotle’s work Historia animalium translated from Arabic by Michael Scotus. Due to phonetical differencies between these languages as well as inaccuracies and mistakes in both translations, the text of Aristotle and the forms of the original Greek names were variously modified. The sponge is described at Michael Scotus under the name gamen, that probably comes from the Arabic word ghajm, „cloud“, „sea sponge“; it is very likely that the word rugana that we found in medieval encyclopaedias, including those of Czech origin, is the result of deformation of the term gamen and of its connection with the preceding preposition in (misread as ru).

2

Ze Slovníku středověké latiny: abareno a kiloka

100%

Šedinová H.

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tom 136

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nr 1-2

223-235

EN

The main aim of this article is to identify the origin and meaning of two Latin zoological terms in the works of Thomas of Cantimpré and Czech medieval lexicographer Bartholomaeus de Solencia dictus Claretus. Both works employ names of animals that are extremely difficult to interpret either semantically or linguistically and whose Greek or Latin origin is not immediately clear. Most of them are attached to animals the description of which Thomas claims to be derived from Aristotle. Thomas used the Latin translation of the Aristotle’s work Historia animalium translated from Arabic by Michael Scotus. Due to phonetical differencies between these languages as well as inaccuracies and mistakes in both translations, the text of Aristotle and the forms of the original Greek names were variously modified. Aristotle’s term αθερίνη, denoting a mediterranean fish sand smelt (Atherina hepsetus Linné), appears at Michael Scotus as abereni and abarino, at Thomas of Cantimpré in the form abarenon and at Claretus in the form abareno; Aristotle’s term ακαλήφη, used by Aristotle to describe a sea anemone (probably Actinia equina Linné), appears at Michael Scotus as akaleki, at Thomas of Cantimpré in the form kylok and by Claretus in the form kiloka.

3

Botany as a new field of knowledge in the thirteenth century: on the genesis of the specialized sciences

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Yavuz M. , Oliva P. H.

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nr 1

51-75

EN

Th e reception of the translations of Aristotelian and pseudo-Aristotelian works at the University of Paris in the thirteenth century promoted a new understanding of the sciences as specialized fi elds of knowledge. Th e huge amount of translations required a new organization of knowledge, which included novel subjects and categories. Among these there is a very special case, namely the pseudo- Aristotelian De plantis, translated from Arabic into Latin and then back into Greek to be re-translated into Latin again. De plantis was included in the new curriculum in Ripoll 109 (1230–1240 BCE), and constituted the main source for botanical studies until the sixteenth century. Th roughout this paper we will explore the reception and impact of De plantis in both the Arabic and the Latin traditions. We aim to show its foundational role in the development of botany as a theoretical discipline within the natural sciences.

CS

Recepce překladů aristotelských (včetně pseudo-aristotelských) textů na Pařížské univerzitě 13. století šířila nové porozumění vědám jakožto specializovaným oblastem poznání. Velké množství překladů vyžadovalo novou reorganizaci vědění, která musela zahrnout nové předměty a kategorie. Mezi těmito překlady můžeme najít velmi specifi cký případ – pseudo- -aristotelský spis De plantis, přeložený z arabštiny do latiny, poté zpět do řečtiny a nakonec znovu přeložený do latiny. De plantis byl zahrnut do nového kurikula v Ripollu 109 (1230–1240 n.l.) a tvořil hlavní pramen pro botanické studie až do 16. století. V tomto článku zkoumáme přijetí a dopad De plantis jak na arabskou, tak na latinskou tradici. Našim cílem je ukázat jeho fundamentální roli ve vývoji botaniky jako nové disciplíny v rámci přírodních věd.

4

Między Bliskim Wschodem a Grecją – pieniądz w okresie archaicznym

100%

Jankowska A.

Acta Archaeologica Lodziensia

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2015

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tom 61

7-12

PL

Znaleziska srebrnych skarbów z terenu Lewantu, datowanych na okres między X a VI w. p.n.e. dostarczyły interesującej perspektywy w rozważaniach nad początkami monety greckiej. Przeprowadzone badania metalograficzne wykazały, że przynajmniej jeden ze wspomnianych skarbów został wytworzony ze srebra pochodzącego z Laurion, Sifnos i Chalkidiki. Przybicie stempla na fragmencie metalu o określonej masie, ustanowione około 600 r. p.n.e. w cywilizacyjnym tyglu reprezentowanym przez położone w zachodniej części Azji Mniejszej greckie państwa – miasta i królestwo Lidii, dopełnia ekonomicznego obrazu świata, w którym ważenie metalu było stałą i doskonale poznaną praktyką. Fundamentalna różnica tkwiła jednak w greckich poszukiwaniach nowych form rządzenia i administracji. Pieniądz w postaci monety wypełnił bowiem tak symboliczne jak i funkcjonalne potrzeby polis jako instytucji i jej mieszkańców.

EN

As early as the third millennium BC, silver began to play the role of a privileged commodity and as reserve of value in Egypt and in the kingdoms of the Near East. In the second millennium and increasingly in the first millennium, silver was used not only as a reserve and measure of value but, what is more significant as an instrument of payment. Whether archaeological or textual, the evidence from the Mesopotamian states and from the Levant shows that silver was increasingly used as a monetary instrument at that time. The so-called Hacksilber is found in more than thirty hoards in the Levant in the Iron Age Period. This can partly demonstrate that the fundamental concepts of money were established in the Near East long before the Greeks and the Lydians adapted them and, above all, transformed these into the form of coin, in the 6th century. This great transformation, as well as the vast historical question of the emergence of coinage was directly related to the evolution of institutions bound up with the emergence of the polis.

5

Platon i Arystoteles w świetle badań nad kulturą indoeuropejską

61%

Kwietniewska M.

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nr 29

DE

Gegenwärtig sind wir daran gewöhnt, den Wert der Kulturerzeugnisse nach der Originalität und Innovation ihrer Schöpfer zu messen. Vor diesem Hintergrund erscheint der Standpunkt des italienischen Forschers der antiken Philosophie, Giovanni Reale, als ein Einzelfall. Indem er die Größe von Aristoteles hochschätzt, sieht er in ihm vor allem einen Philosophen, der das Werk Platons treu fortsetzt. Obwohl Reale zahlreiche wichtige Argumente für seine These anführt, verstößt sein Standpunkt gegen die Eindrücke der meisten Leser der beiden Philosophen und hält nicht der Kritik stand, insbesondere was die Perspektive betrifft, die Reale in seiner Forschungsarbeit nicht berücksichtigte. Meine Polemik mit der These des italienischen Historikers zielt darauf, nachzuweisen, dass der Unterschied zwischen Platon und Aristoteles auf das Meritum, den Kern ihrer ontologischen Anschauungen zurückgreift. Platon war der Tradition der frühen indoeuropäischen Kultur treu und hielt das ternäre System für das Hauptprinzip der Konstruktion des philosophischen Systems, unterdessen war die Metaphysik von Aristoteles binär. Der Grund für diese paradigmatische Nichtübereinstimmung liegt womöglich in dem kulturellen Unterschied, der beide Philosophen trennte.

EN

Today we’re used to measure the value of works of culture through the lens of originality and their creators’ innovation. Against this background appears an outlying standpoint of Giovanni Reale, an Italian historian and Ancient philosophy scholar, who appreciated Aristotle's greatness and, first of all, believed he was a faithful continuer of Plato’s teachings. Even though Reale gives multiple accounts proving his own thesis, his point of view is contrary to most readers’ impressions of the two philosophers. His thesis doesn’t stand a chance against a critique from a different point of view. Polemicizing with Reale’s thesis, I’m going to prove that the difference between Plato and Aristotle is rooted deep down in the quintessence of their ontological views. Faithful to the tradition of the early Indo-European culture, Plato acknowledged ternary structures as the primal principle of his philosophical system, meanwhile Aristotelian metaphysics is binary. The reason for this paradigmatical incoherence may be the cultural differences between both philosophers. Nowadays this issue is a subject of academic research, especially on the grounds of transculturalism.

PL

Współcześnie zwykliśmy mierzyć wartość wytworów kultury oryginalnością i innowacyjnością ich twórców. Na tym tle jako odosobniony przypadek jawi się stanowisko włoskiego badacza filozofii antycznej, Giovanniego Realego, który doceniając wielkość Arystotelesa, dostrzega w nim przede wszystkim wiernego kontynuatora filozoficznego dzieła Platona. Chociaż Reale przywołuje liczne i ważne argumenty na rzecz swojej tezy, jego punkt widzenia koliduje z odczuciami większości czytelników obydwu filozofów i nie wytrzymuje krytyki z perspektywy, której Reale wcale nie wziął pod uwagę w swojej pracy badawczej. Polemizując z tezą włoskiego historyka, wykażę, że różnica pomiędzy Platonem a Arystotelesem sięga meritum ich poglądów ontologicznych. Wierny tradycji wczesnej kultury indoeuropejskiej Platon przyjmował układ ternarny za naczelną zasadę konstrukcji systemu filozoficznego, tymczasem metafizyka Arystotelesa jest binarna. Powodem tej paradygmatycznej niezgodności może być różnica kulturowa dzieląca obu filozofów.

6

Analysis of Psychic Structures in Selected Spiritual and Religious Concepts Part II. The Concept of the Soul Among the Ancient Greeks

61%

Hlavinka P.

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tom 17

1444-1457

CS

Ve druhé části studie Analýza psychických struktur u vybraných spirituálních a náboženských koncepcích se zabývám prezentací vybraných pojetí duše u starých Řeků. Text je rozčleněn na analýzu nejstarších literárních pramenů, v nichž se můžeme setkat s termínem duše a příbuz-nými pojmy, jež se vztahují nejen k duševnímu a spirituálnímu životu člověka, ale i k jeho interakci s fyzickým tělem. K tomuto účelu se čtenář bude moci seznámit nejen s přístupem Homéra, ale také s příslušnou řeckou mytologií a starořeckými mystérii. Klasickou řeckou filosofii ve vztahu k duši prezentují v tomto článku Pýthagoras, Platón, Aristoteles a stoicismus. Helénské a posthelénské období v podobě neoplatonismu si na závěr přiblížíme prostřednictvím analýzy pojetí duše a ducha u Plotína a Jamblicha. Výsledkem studie je odhalení pestrého vývoje tohoto esenciálního pojmu, který se stal nepostradatelným instrumentem pro další směřování myšlení vztaženému k tomu, co jednak ve skutečnosti zakládá podstatu lidství a co se současně paradoxně v podobě odborné psychologie vzniklé ve druhé polovině 19. století vyprázdnilo bohužel v téměř bezobsažný pojem.

EN

In the second part of the study Analysis of psychic structures in selected spiritual and religious concepts, I am concerned with the presentation of selected concepts of the soul in the ancient Greeks. The text is divided into an analysis of the earliest literary sources in which we can encounter the term soul and related concepts relating not only to the mental and spiritual life of man, but also to his interaction with the physical body. To this end, the reader will be able to become familiar not only with Homer's approach but also with the relevant Greek mythology and the ancient Greek mysteries. Classical Greek philosophy in relation to the soul is presented in this article by Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle and Stoicism. Finally, the Hellenistic and post Hellenistic periods in the form of Neoplatonism will be approached through an analysis of the concepts of soul and spirit in Plotinus and Iamblichus. The result of the study is the revelation of the varied development of this essential concept, which became an indispensable instrument for the further direction of thought relating to that which, on the one hand, actually constitutes the essence of humanity and, at the same time, which, paradoxically, in the form of the professional psychology that emerged in the second half of the nineteenth century, unfortunately emptied itself into an almost contentless concept.