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2018
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tom 25
47-72
EN
This article proposes a quantitative reading of the hoard evidence concerning the coin production of Antiochos IV. The “Seleucid Hoard Database” (SHD) is used as the starting point for addressing the question of coinage as “tool of diplomacy or legitimacy” of the king’s reign. The demonstration, following a recent comparable analysis on the coinage of Antiochos III, is meant to serve as a methodological manifest of the usefulness of large datasets, statistical analyses and quantifi cations when considering historical issues. The role of Antioch as a major mint is examined, as well as the westward circulation patterns of Antiochos’ issues, while the quantitative analysis of obverse and reverse types serves as a reference point for the divinization of the king and the political messages transmitted through his numismatic production.
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tom 10
63-82
EN
John Chrysostom was not only one of the most prolific and influential authors of late antiquity but also a renown preacher, exegete, and public figure. His homilies and sermons combined the classical rhetorical craft with some vivid imagery from everyday life. He used descriptions, comparisons, and metaphors that were both a rhetorical device and a reference to the real world familiar to his audience. From 9th century onwards, many of Chrysostom’s works were translated into Old Church Slavonic and were widely used for either private or communal reading. Even if they had lost the spontaneity of the oral performance, they still preserved the references to the 4th-century City, to the streets and the homes in a distant world, transferred into the 10th-century Bulgaria and beyond. The article examines how some of these urban images were translated and sometimes adapted to the medieval Slavonic audience, how the realia and the figures of speech were rendered into the Slavonic language and culture. It is a survey on the reception of the oral sermon put into writing, and at the same time, it is a glimpse into the late antique everyday life in the Eastern Mediterranean.
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tom 7
41-57
EN
This article explores the political and cultural context of the riots provoked by changes in the Trisagion (512). Along with the advancing integration of the Byzantine Empire with Christianity, the state’s interest in theological problems increased; these problems were also reflected in the liturgy. Worship was used as a tool of imperial policy. This mutual interaction between politics and liturgy can be observed particularly clearly in the history of the Trisagion. This hymn, in its primitive form appearing in the book of Isaiah (as the familiar Sanctus Sanctus Sanctus), had two interpretations from the first centuries. According to the first one, the hymn referred to God, or – with the development of theology – to the whole Holy Trinity. According to the second interpretation (probably originating from Antioch), it referred to Christ. Already in the 4th century, the Trisagion entered the liturgy. In the middle of the 5th century, we encounter a new version of the Trisagion (known as SanctusDeus, Sanctus Fortis), which was an elaboration of the above-mentioned hymn. It also found use in the liturgy and originally had a Trinitarian sense. The Monophysites, in order to give the hymn an anti-Chalcedonian sense, added to it the expression who was crucified for us; this makes the hymn unambiguously Christological, but it may also suggest theopaschism (all of the Trinity was crucified). In Antioch, where the Trisagion first appeared in that form (and where the hymn had always been interpreted as referring to Christ), this addition did not provoke protests from the Chalcedonians. However, when the Monophysite emperor Anastasius decided to introduce this version to the liturgy in Constantinople, the inhabitants of the capital – accustomed to understanding the Trisagion in the Trinitarian sense – interpreted the change as an offence against the Trinity. This caused the outbreak of the Trisagion riots (512). Not long afterwards, restoring the anthem in the version without the addition became one of the postulates of military commander Vitalian’s rebellion against Anastasius. Thus, in the case under analysis, we see theology and liturgy blending with current politics; one and the same hymn could be understood as heretical in one city and as completely orthodox in another.
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tom 9
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nr 2
213-230
EN
Contribution of the Western Church Christology summarized in Leo the Great’s thought turned out to be crucial in formulating the Chalcedonian dogma. The pope’s thought was formed also as a reaction to reflection of schools in Alexandra and Antioch. The article mentions the relation between the pope’s Christology and soteriology. It stresses the role of Christ’s humanity in salvation of a man. One may say that owing to Leo’s “dyophysitic” Christology the Council Fathers affirmed the humanity of Christ. From that perspective the Chalcedon Council is not only a guidepost on the way leading to the mystery of Jesus Christ, but it also secondarily indicates the mystery of a man.
PL
Sobór w Chalcedonie każe wyznawać Chrystusa nie „z” dwóch natur, ale „w” dwóch naturach. Zawdzięczamy to określenie „diofizyckiej” chrystologii Leona Wielkiego. Dzięki papieskiej myśli człowieczeństwo Chrystusa zostało afirmowane. Chalcedoński drogowskaz prowadzi nie tylko w głąb misterium Chrystusa, ale wtórnie również ku tajemnicy człowieka.
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