Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Prymas Stefan Wyszyński wobec rzeczywistości społeczno-politycznej PRL w 1968 r.

100%

Łatka R.

|

tom 29

|

nr 1

241-257

EN

The text comprehensively introduces the approach of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński to the social and political reality of the Polish People's Republic in 1968. Three planes of Primate's activity were discussed: social teaching, his attitude towards political events and the most important problems of the state-Church relations. The analysis was based on primary sources in the form of the hierarch's statements: in public, during Episcopal sessions and on the pages of his diary Pro memoria.

PL

Tekst w całościowy sposób przybliża podejście kard. Stefana Wyszyńskiego do rzeczywistości społeczno-politycznej PRL w 1968 r. Omówiono trzy płaszczyzny aktywności prymasa: nauczanie społeczne, stosunek do wydarzeń politycznych oraz do najważniejszych problemów z zakresu relacji państwo–Kościół. Analizę oparto na źródłach pierwotnych w postaci wypowiedzi hierarchy: publicznych, w czasie obrad Episkopatu i na kartach dziennika Pro memoria.

2

Revoluce proti sob ě sam ým IV. sjezd Svazu československých spisovatelů 27.–29. června 1967, projevy a debaty v trojúhelníku spisovatelé, národ a moc

99%

Vörös I.

|

2013

|

nr 70/2

157-165

PL

1968 is a very controversial date these days. I start my research about 1968, by looking at 1967 first. Why? Because this congress was almost an exact projection of what happened during the Prague Spring, however, more was said there. The writers there were discussing the big questions, about a whole country and the destiny of a nation. Therefore, the importance of Kundera’s speech is quite significant. Havel, Vaculík, Ivan Klíma all gave politically important speeches. Regarding poetic power, Jan Skácel seemed especially strong. Even though Hrabal was not present, we have to give him some credit as well. Not only the positive, but also the negativeside of 1968 was predicted. Mainly the Communist Party’s attempt to intervene. The Czech Spring of 1968 wasnot a student-movement, but a struggle by middle-aged and mature intellectuals, mostly against what they hadinstigated in their youth. So this was an exceptionally self-critical revolution.

3

Pozostał w kontrze. Leopold T yrmand wobec ruchów kontestacyjnych w USA na kartach Dzienników Stefana Kisielewskiego

85%

Wolski M.

|

nr 2

128-150

PL

Artykuł przedstawia – w świetle Dziennikow Stefana Kisielewskiego z lat 1968–1970 – sylwetkę Leopolda Tyrmanda jako wroga ruchow kontestacyjnych w Stanach Zjednoczonych. Na przełomie 1968 i 1969 r. Tyrmand był wykładowcą na Columbia University. Sprzeciwiał się wowczas tym poglądom młodzieży amerykańskiej, które uważał za neomarksistowskie i maoistyczne. Analiza historycznego kontekstu amerykańskiej publicystyki Tyrmanda z lat 1968–1970 ukazuje jego nieprzejednany stosunek do ruchu Nowej Lewicy oraz sowieckiego i chińskiego komunizmu. Fala protestow z 1968 r. spotkała się z krytyką pisarza. Stefan Kisielewski w swych Dziennikach nawiązuje także do konserwatyzmu Tyrmanda, co jednak nasuwa wątpliwości interpretacyjne. Antykomunistyczna postawa pisarza nie może być rozpatrywana w oderwaniu od zimnowojennej rywalizacji geopolitycznej Stanow Zjednoczonych, Związku Sowieckiego i Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej. Pisarz nie uległ ideologii komunizmu ani w Polsce, ani w Ameryce w okresie przybierającej na sile ekspansji Nowej Lewicy.

4

August 1968 v politicko-ideologických heslách na stránkach dennej tlače

85%

Molnárová P.

|

tom 24

|

nr 1

52-69

EN

The interdisciplinary oriented paper connects the linguistic, literary and media components against the background of the historical context. The study deals with political and ideological slogans published in the daily paper in 1968. It is structured into a theoretical part, which presents the basic terminological and contextual background, the function and meaning of political-ideological slogans in the press of the Communist party.The slogan is perceived here as a linguistic-communicative part of a specific language of the period of socialism, which was formed in an ideologically motivated space. On the other hand, the analysis focuses on the intertextual aspects of slogans and the basic motivic areas captured in it. The aim of the study is to reflect the events associated with the invasion of Warsaw Pact troops into Czechoslovakia through the intertextuality of slogans published from August 21 to September 21, 1968 in five Slovak dailies with national and regional validity.The analysis focuses on the intertextual motives of slogans and the basic motivic components from the field of politics, literature, culture or contemporary ideology captured in it.

5

Reforma nebo transformace? Rok 1968 a otázka drobného podnikání

85%

Skála M.

|

nr 1

29-57

EN

The study deals with the short period between 1967 and 1969 in terms of the reform process, especially its economic components. Specifically, it focuses on the issue of the renewal of small business within the socialist economy. It analyses the changes in the normative system, media narratives, and government representations, and practical steps to implement reforms. It finds contradictions between the information that was reaching the public space and the actual and intended state. Archival and normative sources present a completely different picture than the one presented by the uncensored press before 1969. From this contradiction and other aspects, assessed through the established theoretical equipment of economics, it can be deduced that even the economic reform of 1968 would not lead to the restoration of even a small business.

6

ÚLOHA JOZEFA LENÁRTA V ROKU 1968

85%

Pavlovič R.

|

nr 4

641 – 671

EN

The study is concerned with the political activities of Jozef Lenárt, Czechoslovak premier and member of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in 1968. Analysis of his relations with Antonín Novotný and Alexander Dubček serves as a starting point. Lenárt’s televised speech from March 1968, when he strove to explain his actions in January 1968, is considered. From May 1968, Lenárt inclined to the Soviet vision of political developments in Czechoslovakia. The paper analyses Lenárt’s activities after 21 August 1968 with the conclusion that by gradually changing his political orientation he secured the continuation of his political career.

7

Decline of Moral and Discipline in the Czechoslovak People’s Army as a Sign of a Discrepancy between the Ideal of the Socialist Soldier and Reality in the Last Two Decades of Socialist Czechoslovakia

74%

Tomek P.

|

nr 4(282)

216-243

EN

This study is intended to map the state of morale in the Czechoslovak People’s Army in the last two decades of its existence. Using Jacques van Doorn’s methodological framework, the Author compares the general demands of the military profession with the reality of the Czechoslovak People’s Army. A significant finding is an overwhelming influence of military intervention in August 1968 on the subsequent morale of the army. Its members were no longer able to unite their interests within the organisation of the army.

DE

Ziel dieser Studie ist es, den Zustand der Moral in der Tschechoslowakischen Volksarmee in den letzten beiden Jahrzehnten ihres Bestehens darzustellen. Unter Verwendung des methodischen Rahmens von Jacques van Doorn vergleicht der Autor die allgemeinen Anforderungen an den Soldatenberuf mit der Realität der Tschechoslowakischen Volksarmee. Eine wichtige Erkenntnis ist der überwältigende Einfluss der militärischen Intervention im August 1968 auf die spätere Moral der Armee. Ihre Mitglieder waren nicht mehr in der Lage, ihre Interessen innerhalb der Organisation der Armee zu vereinen.

PL

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie stanu morale w Czechosłowackiej Armii Ludowej w ostatnich dwóch dekadach jej istnienia. Wykorzystując ramy metodologiczne Jacques’a van Doorna, autor porównuje ogólne wymagania stawiane zawodowym wojskowym z rzeczywistością Czechosłowackiej Armii Ludowej. Istotny okazuje się wpływ interwencji zbrojnej w sierpniu 1968 roku na późniejsze morale armii. Żołnierze nie byli już w stanie zjednoczyć swoich interesów w ramach jej organizacji.

8

Czech Politics of History

57%

Ruczaj M.

|

tom 2

177-198

EN

The following paper reviews the schemes of memory behind the shaping of the contemporary vision of the Czech’s own history and the forms they take while materialising in the contemporary Czech Republic. Among the “great narratives” to have built up the picture of Czech history, a leading role was assumed by a traditional model, that sees the Czechs as a nation on the border of Slavic and Germanic superethnoses. Simultaneously, attention was drawn to its reformation and modernisation potential and Slavic character, the latter of which intensified after having confronted the Germanic world. The Czech post-1989 settlement with its communist past has only slightly impaired this idiom of memory; Soviet domination, especially the Warsaw Pact intervention in 1968, has to a great extent depreciated the value of “Slavicness” as an element of identification of the Czechs. Also, a Czech sense of nationality has faded to the benefit of a sense of “citizenship”-with the latter understood in a broad sense. Czech state institutions have only to a limited extent been committed to researching some details of the politics of history. Among these organisations have been, for example, the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes (Ústav pro studium totalitních režimů, ÚSTR), the Military History Institute (Vojenský historický ústav, VHÚ) and some other bodies, including the Czech National Museum (Národní muzeum). When analysing the responsibilities shouldered by the above institutions, one may observe an influential yet financially inadequate role of some NGOs, such as Pamět národa (The Memory of Nation) whereas a typical narrative pattern of Czechness has found its place in the educational system. As for the legal perspective, the Czech Republic managed to settle accounts with its communist past by passing both the Lustration Act and the Act on the Period of Lack of Freedom.