In this paper, we introduce an inventory of language means that express the semantic feature of mutuality in Czech verbal constructions. Based on the results of recent typological surveys, we distinguish between lexical and grammatical means. The lexical means include a limited group of inherently reciprocal verbs with the feature of mutuality in their lexical meaning. The grammatical means involved in the syntactic operation of reciprocalization are primarily used by a large group of verbs to which we refer as syntactic reciprocal verbs; these means involve (i) the reflexive personal pronoun se/sebe, si/sobě, sebou, (ii) the expression jeden – druhý ‘each other’, and (iii) adverbials. While the use of the grammatical means is obligatory for expressing mutuality with syntactic reciprocal verbs, it is often only optional for inherently reciprocal verbs. We thoroughly describe various functions that these language means have in encoding mutuality in Czech.
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The paper addresses the so-called discontinuous reciprocal constructions in Czech and their description in grammar and lexicon, as recently discussed by J. Pergler. Two ways of treating discontinuous constructions are introduced: (i) to handle these constructions in the grammar as one type of constructions of non-reflexive verbs, and (ii) to capture them in the lexicon as constructions of derived reflexive verbs. The advantages and disadvantages of both these approaches are carefully considered with the conclusion that the latter approach is more advantageous as it complies with the fact that discontinuous constructions are – with respect to the lexicon-grammar continuum – rather at the lexical end.
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The Czech reflexives se/si present a great challenge for linguistic description due to their ambiguous character. In this paper, we deal with syntactic reflexivity. In this case, the reflexives represent the clitic forms of the reflexive pronoun expressing the referential identity of the valency complementation realized in the subject (usually of ACTor) and of the valency complementation lexically expressed by the given pronoun. This linguistic phenomenon is studied here especially in relation to the agreement of a surface syntactic complement (with the function of EFF or COMPL). We aim to demonstrate that the case of the complement is determined rather by the meaning of the reflexive construction (as in non-reflexive structures) than by the distinction of the clitic vs. the long form of the reflexives. The agreement of the complement in reflexive constructions with the accusative reflexives se/sebe is compared with the same phenomenon in the structures with the dative reflexives si/sobě, which has thus far not been extensively described in Czech linguistics.
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