This paper is devoted (relates to) to an analysis of a local political scene before the local government election in 2010. The presented discussion is related primarily to (Main areas of this discussion are:): • The nature of the political competition in Wrocław, which has taken place so far; • The process of gradual monopolization of the local market by the Centre-Right groupings; • And the fragmentation of the previous ruling camp, revealed in the local government’s term of office 2006–2010.
Among the social and political outcomes of the pandemic in Poland, one should list the development of anti-COVID social movements. Their specific character, as compared to other social movements, is the subject of exploration in this paper. The basic objective of the paper is thus to analyse the motivations of members and supporters of the so-called corona-sceptic movement at the early stage of its presence in the Polish political arena. Key questions the authors sought to answer concern individuals’ assessment of their situation associated with the pandemic and their attitude to public institutions managing the crisis on behalf of the government. The paper is based on the results of a quantitative research carried out in December 2020.
The following article concerns selected aspects of the implementation of the quota system in elections to the regional assemblies (Sejmik wojewódzki) in Poland. This comparative analysis concerns two elections: in 2010 (before the quota system was introduced) and in 2014 (after its introduction). The key questions the authors would like to address involve the number of women represented on the electoral lists in 2010 and 2014 respectively, and the number of mandates in regional assemblies awarded to women before and after the quota system was introduced, as well as the relationship between the position on the electoral list and mandates awarded to female candidates. The authors also focus on the personnel policies of political parties. Out of all regional elections, the regional assembly elections were characterized by the highest level of party dependency. Introducing the quota system resulted in an increase in the number of women represented on electoral lists, yet it did not help increase the number of mandates awarded to female candidates. One of the reasons for this situation was the strategy adopted when the positions on the electoral lists were awarded by the parties with the largest political support. The representation of women on the upper positions of the electoral lists is smaller than the quota of female representatives imposed by the electoral law, and the larger number of women on the positions further below on the electoral lists translates into smaller chances of these candidates gaining a mandate. The source data for this research analysis comes from the National Electoral Commission.
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