One of the results of the accelerated economic and social development over the last thirty years involves the emergence of social movements that are opposed to globalization. The objective of this paper is to present the main demands of the opponents of globalization, in particular in the context of the asymmetrical development of the parties in international relations. Anti-globalists and alter-globalists oppose the increasing importance of transnational corporations and the gradual shift of the point of gravity in the global economy from sovereign states to institutions of a regional, supraregional or global character. Anti-globalists note the progressing global crisis of legitimization of the democratic system of governance and the threat that it will be replaced by highly institutionalized technocratic structures (WTO, IMF, World Bank, European Commission). The role of anti-globalist and alter-globalist movements is of profound significance at present as they provide opposition to neoliberalism as the binding doctrine in global economy. Calling for the establishment of mechanisms that would provide for fair distribution of goods between the ‘North’ and the ‘South’ they contribute to the internationalization of the idea of collaboration between states thus ensuring that order be maintained in the global economy. Therefore, these movements support the ‘weaker party’ in international business relations – the developing countries. However, there is a negative aspect of their activity, namely they perceive globalization as a process of subordinating the weak by the strong, or – in other words – they refer to the idea of class struggle in the global economic system.
The considerations presented in the paper demonstrate that the situation of women in the European labor market has considerably improved over the last decade. This is facilitated, among other things, by the extensive legal instruments stipulated in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union and in so-called ‘equality directives’. Yet, despite this extensive and moderately coherent system of legal protection of women in the labor market, they continue to have a weaker position than men. Gender segregation in the European Union is a considerable problem; it is exemplified by women’s limited access to attractive positions and a gender pay gap, i.e. obtaining lower remuneration than men employed in comparable positions. There are also other factors that influence limited women’s activity in professional life. For a long time women have been second to men in terms of education, but the differences in this area have been gradually decreasing in recent times. What continues to be a factor to curb the participation of women in the European labor market is insufficient childcare provisions. It should be pointed out that confronting demography with employment, and requesting that women choose between home and family or work falsifies the problem. This has clearly been noted in the Europe 2020 strategy, which creates a feedback between women’s employment and their traditional role of guardians of home and hearth. This is facilitated by flexible instruments in the labor market, such as contracts typical for a flexecurity model, e.g. non-standard contracts and flexible hour contracts. Their implementation can contribute to maintaining a positive trend that has recently been manifested in an increasing rate of employed women.
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